[233] 2 Chron. xxi. 2-4.
[234] 2 Chron. xxi. 17.
[235] ὁμοπάτριος ἀδελφή (Jos.).
[236] 2 Chron. xxii. 11. There are undoubted difficulties about the statement (see _infra_). There is no other instance of the marriage of a princess with a priest.
[237] Jos., _Antt._, IX. vii. 1: τὸ ταμιεῖον τῶν κλινῶν. The chamber of beds was a sort of unoccupied wardrobe-room.
[238] 2 Kings xi. 4: "The centurions of the Carians and of the runners."
[239] This is the second time that the word "Sabbath" occurs, or that the institution is alluded to, in the history of either monarchy.
[240] Nothing is known of סוּר, Sur, or יְסוֹד _y'sôd_, the Foundation (2 Chron. xxiii. 5). They are not mentioned elsewhere. LXX., εν τῇ πύλῃ τῶν ὁδῶν, and (in Chronicles) ἐν τῇ πύλῃ τῇ μέσῃ.
[241] Not as in A.V., "that it be not broken down."
[242] In reading side by side the narratives in the Books of Kings and Chronicles (2 Chron. xxiii.), it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the main anxiety of the Chronicler is to leave the impression that the work in the Temple was chiefly done by the Levites, and that the sacred precincts were not polluted by the presence of alien troops. He evidently stumbled at the notion, conveyed by the older narrative, that Carians and suchlike semi-heathen mercenaries should have stood by the altar at a high priest's command; so he substitutes Levites for guardsmen, and the profane laymen are relegated outside. In details the two accounts are only reconcilable by a special pleading which would reconcile _any_ discrepancy.
[243] 1 Kings vii. 21. Comp., however, 2 Kings xxiii. 3.
[244] See Exod. xxv. 16, 21, xvi. 34. הָצֵדוּת (see 2 Chron. xxiii. 11). Kimchi takes it to mean "a royal robe," and other Rabbis a phylactery on the coronet (Deut. vi. 8). In the Targum to Chronicles it is explained to mean the costly jewel (2 Sam. xii. 30), of which none but a descendant of David could bear the weight. For _ha'edôth_ Klostermann therefore suggests _hats'adôth_, "the royal bracelets."
[245] So says Josephus (μετὰ τῆς ἰδίας στρατίας), and it is certain that she would hardly go unattended.
[246] Jos., _Antt._, IX. vii. 3: Τὸυς δὲ ἑπομένους ὁπλίτας εἶρξαν εἰσελθεῖν.
[247] The meaning of _al-ha'amôd_ is uncertain (A.V., "by a pillar"; Vulg., "on the tribunal"). Comp. 2 Kings xxiii. 3; 2 Chron. xxiii. 13; 1 Kings viii. 22; 2 Chron. vi. 13.
[248] 2 Kings xi. 15. Not as in A.V., "without the ranges." Heb., _lash'dêrôth_; LXX., ἔσωθεν τῶν σαδηρώθ.
[249] A.V., "And they laid hands on her"; LXX., ἐπέβαλον αὐτῃ χεῖρας; Vulg., _imposuerunt ci manus_. But R.V. as in the text, following the Targum, and the Jewish commentators, "They made for her two sides."
[250] This is usually understood to be the "horse gate" of the city (Neh. iii. 28), and so Josephus seems to have taken it, for he says that Athaliah was killed in "the Kedron Valley." Canon Rawlinson says that it was more probably in the Tyropœon Valley. But there could have been no object in dragging the wretched queen all this way. Jehoiada was only anxious that she should not stain the Temple with her blood, and "the way by which the horses came into the king's house" seems to be some private palace-gate. We are expressly told (ver. 16) that Athaliah was slain "at the king's house," probably in "the king's garden" (2 Kings xxv. 4).
[251] Wellhausen, _Isr. and Jud._, p. 96.
[252] 2 Chron. xv. 9-15.
[253] 2 Chron. xxix. 10.
[254] 2 Chron. xxxiv. 31.
[255] The name is perhaps an abbreviation from Mattan-Baal, "gift of Baal." Comp. "Methumballes" (Plaut.). The names of Tyrian kings, Mitinna, Mattun, occur in inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser II. See Herod., vii. 98 (Bahr, _ad loc._). "Methumbaal of Arvad" is mentioned on a monument of Tiglath-Pileser II. (Schrader, ii. 249).