[5001] Anguem.
[5002] Serpentem.
[5003] Lit., "bearing himself on feet, nor unfolding below his own goings."
[5004] Lit., "to a."
[5005] So Hild. and Oehler, reading labefac-t-amusfor the ms. -i-.
[5006] This sentence alone is sufficient to prove that these chapters were never carefully revised by their author, as otherwise so glaring repetitions would certainly have been avoided.
[5007] Here the ms. and both Roman edd. insert the last clause, "what...forests."
47. [5008] But if that snake was not a present deity, says my opponent, why, after its arrival, was the violence of the plague overcome, and health restored to the Roman people? We, too, on the other hand, bring forward the question, If, according to the books of the fates and the responses of the seers, the god Æsculapius was ordered to be invited to the city, that he might cause it to be safe and sound from the contagion of the plague and of pestilential diseases, and came without spurning the proposal contemptuously, as you say, changed into the form of serpents,--why has the Roman state been so often afflicted with such disasters, so often at one time and another torn, harassed, and diminished by thousands, through the destruction of its citizens times without number? For since the god is said to have been summoned for this purpose, that he might drive away utterly all the causes by which pestilence was excited, it followed that the state should be safe, and should be always maintained free from pestilential blasts, and unharmed. But yet we see, as was said before, that it has over and over again had seasons made mournful by these diseases, and that the manly vigour of its people has been shattered and weakened by no slight losses. Where, then, was Æsculapius? where that deliverer promised by venerable oracles? Why, after temples were built, and shrines reared to him, did he allow a state deserving his favour to be any longer plague-stricken, when he had been summoned for this purpose, that he should cure the diseases which were raging, and not allow anything of the sort which might be dreaded to steal on them afterwards?
[5008] 44 in Orelli.
48. [5009] But some one will perhaps say that the care of such a god has been denied [5010] to later and following ages, because the ways in which men now live are impious and objectionable; that it brought help to our ancestors, on the contrary, because they were blameless and guiltless. Now this might perhaps have been listened to, and said with some reasonableness, either if in ancient times all were good without exception, or if later times produced [5011] only wicked people, and no others. [5012] But since this is the case that in great peoples, in nations, nay, in all cities even, men have been of mixed [5013] natures, wishes, manners, and the good and bad have been able to exist at the same time in former ages, as well as in modern times, it is rather stupid to say that mortals of a later day have not obtained the aid of the deities on account of their wickedness. For if on account of the wicked of later generations the good men of modern times have not been protected, on account of the ancient evil-doers also the good of former times should in like manner not have gained the favour of the deities. But if on account of the good of ancient times the wicked of ancient times were preserved also, the following age, too, should have been protected, although it was faulty, on account of the good of later times. So, then, either that snake gained the reputation of being a deliverer while he had been of no service at all, through his being brought to the city when the violence of the disease [5014] was already weakened and impaired, or the hymns of the fates must be said to have been far from giving [5015] true indications, since the remedy given by them is found to have been useful, not to all in succession, but to one age only.
[5009] 45 in Orelli.
[5010] Lit., "wanting."
[5011] The ms., 1st ed., Hild., and Oehler read gener-ent, corrected in the rest, as above, -arent.
[5012] Lit., "all wicked and distinguished by no diversity."
[5013] Lit., "the human race has been mixed in," etc.
[5014] So all edd., reading vi morbi, except Hild., who retains the ms. vi urbi, in which case the italics should denote "of the disease," instead of "to the city." The construction, however, seems to make it impossible to adhere to the ms..
[5015] Lit., "to have erred much from."
49. [5016] But the Great Mother, also, says my opponent, being summoned from Phrygian Pessinus in precisely the same way by command of the seers, was a cause of safety and great joy to the people. For, on the one hand, a long-powerful enemy was thrust out from the position he had gained in [5017] Italy; and, on the other, its ancient glory was restored to the city by glorious and illustrious victories, and the boundaries of the empire were extended far and wide, and their rights as freemen were torn from races, states, peoples without number, and the yoke of slavery imposed on them, and many other things accomplished at home and abroad established the renown and dignity of the race with irresistible power. If the histories tell the truth, and do not insert what is false in their accounts of events, nothing else truly [5018] is said to have been brought from Phrygia, sent by King Attalus, than a stone, not large, which could be carried in a man's hand without any pressure--of a dusky and black colour--not smooth, but having little corners standing out, and which to-day we all see put in that image instead of a face, rough and unhewn, giving to the figure a countenance by no means lifelike. [5019]
[5016] 46 In Orelli.
[5017] Lit., "from the possession of Italy."
[5018] So all edd. to Orelli, adding -em to the ms. quid. [See, concerning Pessinus, p. 492, supra.]
[5019] Lit., "a face too little expressed with imitation."
50. [5020] What shall we say then? Was Hannibal, that famous Carthaginian, an enemy strong and powerful, before whom the fortunes of Rome trembled in doubt and uncertainty, and its greatness shook--was he driven from Italy by a stone? [5021] was he subdued by a stone? was he made fearful, and timid, and unlike himself by a stone? And with regard to Rome's again springing to the height of power and royal supremacy, was nothing done by wisdom, nothing by the strength of men; and, in returning to its former eminence, was no assistance given by so many and so great leaders by their military skill, or by their acquaintance with affairs? Did the stone give strength to some, feebleness to others? Did it hurl these down from success, raise the fortunes of others which seemed hopelessly overthrown? And what man will believe that a stone taken from the earth, having [5022] no feeling, of sooty colour and dark [5023] body, was the mother of the gods? or who, again, would listen to this,--for this is the only alternative,--that the power [5024] of any deity dwelt in pieces of flint, within [5025] its mass, [5026] and hidden in its veins? And how was the victory procured if there was no deity in the Pessinuntine stone? We may say, by the zeal and valour of the soldiers, by practice, time, wisdom, reason; we may say, by fate also, and the alternating fickleness of fortune. But if the state of affairs was improved, and success and victory were regained, by the stone's assistance, where was the Phrygian mother at the time when the commonwealth was bowed down by the slaughter of so many and so great armies, and was in danger of utter ruin? Why did she not thrust herself before the threatening, the strong enemy? Why did she not crush and repel assaults [5027] so terrible before these awful blows fell, by which all the blood was shed, and the life even failed, the vitals being almost exhausted? She had not been brought yet, says my opponent, nor asked to show favour. Be it so; [5028] but a kind helper never requires to be asked, always offering assistance of his own accord. She was not able, you say, to expel the enemy and put him to flight, while still separated from Italy [5029] by much sea and land. But to a deity, if really one, [5030] nothing whatever is remote, to whom the earth is a point, and by whose nod all things have been established.
[5020] 47 in Orelli.
[5021] Lit., "did a stone drive," etc.
[5022] Lit. "moved by."
[5023] So the ms. and edd.; but, on account of the unnecessary repetition, Ursinus proposed to delete atri. Unger (Anal. Propert., p. 87) has suggested very happily arti--"of confined, i.e., small body.'"
[5024] Vim, suggested by Orelli, and adopted by Hild. and Oehler.
[5025] Lit., "subjected to."
[5026] So Hild. and Oehler, reading moli for the unintelligible ms. more.
[5027] Lit., "so great assaults of war."
[5028] So Oehler, adding -o to the ms. est. The word immediately preceding is in the ms. pavorem--"panic," which is of course utterly out of place, and is therefore corrected, as above, f- in all edd., except 1st, Ursinus, and Hild.
[5029] So--ab Italia--Oehler has admirably emended the ms. habitabilia.
[5030] Lit., "if he is."
51. [5031] But suppose that the deity was present in that very stone, as you demand should be believed: and what mortal is there, although he may be credulous and very ready to listen to any fictions you please, who would consider that she either was a goddess at that time, or should be now so spoken of and named, who at one time desires these things, at another requires those, abandons and despises her worshippers, leaves the humbler provinces, and allies herself with more powerful and richer peoples, truly [5032] loves warfare, and wishes to be in the midst of battles, slaughter, death, and blood? If it is characteristic of the gods--if only they are true gods, and those who it is fitting should be named according to the meaning of this word and the power of divinity--to do [5033] nothing wickedly, nothing unjustly, to show [5034] themselves equally gracious to all men without any partiality, would any man believe that she was of divine origin, or showed [5035] kindness worthy of the gods, who, mixing herself up with the dissensions of men, destroyed the power of some, gave and showed favour to others, bereft some of their liberty, raised others to the height of power,--who, that one state might be pre-eminent, having been born to be the bane of the human race, subjugated the guiltless world?
[5031] 48 in Orelli.
[5032] All edd., except Hild. and Oehler, begin a new sentence here, and change the construction, seemingly following the mistake of the 1st ed.
[5033] "To do...to show;" so the edd., dropping -nt from the ms. facere-nt...præbere-nt.
[5034] "To do...to show;" so the edd., dropping -nt from the ms. facere-nt...præbere-nt.
[5035] Lit, "showed." Ursinus and Heraldus supposed that some paragraphs are now wanting which were originally found here. It should be noticed that in the ms. the usual subscription is found denoting the end of a book. "The seventh book of Arnovius (sic) ends, the eighth (i.e., Octavius of Minucius Felix) begins," so that the present arrangement is not due to the binder, nor clearly to the copyist who wrote these words. Nothing can be more certain than that we do not have these chapters as Arnobius intended to leave them; but there is not the slightest reason to suppose that he actually left them otherwise than they have come down to us. Remembering this, we may well suppose that we have only the first draught of them. If so, the difficulties vanish, for nothing would be more natural than that, when Arnobius was drawing near the close of his work, the ideas of the conclusion in which the discussion was to be fairly summed up should force themselves upon his attention, and that he should therefore turn aside at once to give them expression roughly, without seeking completeness and elaboration, and should then hastily resume his argument, of course with the intention of afterwards revising and re-arranging the whole. We may infer that the re-arrangement was never effected, as there are sufficient proofs that the revision was never accomplished, whatever may have been the reason.
Appendix. [5036]
------------------------
We do not deny that all these things which have been brought forward by you in opposition are contained in the writings of the annalists. For we have ourselves also, according to the measure and capacity of our powers, read these same things, and know that they have been alleged; but the whole discussion hinges upon this: whether these are gods who you assert are furious when displeased, and are soothed by games and sacrifices, or are something far different, and should be separated from the notion even of this, and from its power.