20. But let not any one say that many of the guilty escaped, and that many of the innocent incurred punishment. For I hear of numerous persons who frequently say this; not only in the case of the present sedition, but also in many other circumstances of this nature. What then should I reply to those who make such observations? Why, that if he who was captured was innocent of the present sedition, he had wrought some other transgression before this still more grievous, for which, not having afterwards repented, he has paid the penalty at the present time. For thus is the custom of God to deal with us. When we sin, He does not straightway visit the transgression, but lets it pass, giving us space [1187] for repentance, in order that we may be amended and converted. But if, because we have not paid the penalty, we suppose that the offence too is blotted out, and make light of it; then somewhere, where we think not of it, we are sure afterwards to be punished. And this takes place in order that, when we sin and are not punished, we may not be free from fear, unless we amend, knowing that we shall certainly fall into punishment where we do not expect it. So that if thou sinnest, beloved, and art not punished, do not grow presumptuous, but for this very cause be the more alarmed, knowing that it is an easy matter with God to recompense again when he pleases. For this reason then he hath not punished thee, that thou mightest receive space for repentance. Let us not therefore say, that such a person whilst innocent incurred punishment; and another whilst guilty escaped, for he who incurred it, being guiltless, as I observed, paid the punishment of other transgressions; and he who now escapes it, if he repents not, will be captured in another snare. If our minds are thus disposed, we shall never forget our own sins, but, always fearful and trembling lest we should have to pay the penalty, we shall readily recollect them. For nothing is so apt to bring sin to remembrance as punishment and chastisement. And this is shown by Joseph's brethren. For when they had sold the just man, and thirteen years had passed away, suspecting they had fallen into punishment, and fearing for their lives, they remembered their sin, and said one to another, "We are verily guilty concerning our brother Joseph." [1188] Seest thou, how fear brought their guilt to recollection? And yet when they were sinning they perceived it not, but when they were fearful of being punished, then they remembered it? Knowing, therefore, all these things, let us make a change and amendment of our lives; and let us think of religion and virtue, before we think of deliverance from the impending distress.
21. And in the meanwhile I desire to fix three precepts in your mind, to the end that you may accomplish me these during the fast,--viz. to speak ill of no one; to hold no one for an enemy; and to expel from the mouth altogether the evil custom of oaths. And as when we hear that some money tax is imposed, each one going within, and calling his wife and children and servants, considers and consults with them how he may pay this tribute, so also let us do with respect to these spiritual precepts. Let every one when he has returned home call together his wife and children, and let him say, that a spiritual tribute was imposed this day: a tribute by which there will be some deliverance and removal of these evils; a tribute which does not make those who pay it poor, but richer; that is to say, to have no enemy, to speak evil of no man, and to swear not at all. Let us consider; let us think; let us resolve how we may fulfill these precepts. Let us exert every endeavour. Let us admonish each other. Let us correct each other, that we may not go to the other world as debtors, and then, needing to borrow of others, suffer the fate of the foolish virgins, and fall from immortal salvation. If we thus set our lives in order, I warrant you and promise, that from this there will be deliverance from the present calamity, and a removal of these dreadful ills; and what is greater than all, there will be the enjoyment of the good things to come. For it were fitting that I should commit to you the whole body of virtue; but I think it the best method of correction, to take the laws by parts, and reduce them to practice, and then to proceed to others. For as in a given field, the husbandman, digging it all up piecemeal, gradually comes to the end of his task; so we too if we make this rule for ourselves, in any wise to reduce to a correct practice these three precepts during the present Lent, and to commit them to the safe custody of good habit, we shall proceed with greater ease to the rest; and by this means arriving at the summit of spiritual wisdom, we shall both reap the fruit of a favourable hope in the present life; and in the life to come we shall stand before Christ with great confidence, and enjoy those unspeakable blessings; which, God grant, we may all be found worthy of, through the grace and loving kindness of Jesus Christ our Lord, with Whom be glory to the Father and the Holy Spirit forever and ever. Amen.
[1125] This Flavianus was one of those who maintained the true faith against the Arians, but allowed himself to be ordained Bishop of Antioch as successor to Meletius, who was placed there by the Arians, but afterwards became orthodox. Paulinus had been consecrated Bishop for the orthodox by Lucifer, and should have had full possession of the see at the death of Meletius, to whom many of the orthodox had adhered. Hence Flavianus was not acknowledged by the Roman and Alexandrian patriarchs till after the death of Paulinus, and of another who succeeded him, and the elevation of his friend St. John Chrysostom to the see of Constantinople. Socr. iii. 6, v. 9, 15. St. Chrysostom may allude to these circumstances in Rom. iii. 11; Hom. VII. Tr.
[1126] John x. 11.
[1127] Ex. xxxii. 31, 32.
[1128] Matt. xviii. 32, 33.
[1129] Matt. vi. 12. The use of the Lord's Prayer was at this period confined to those who were initiated or baptized. St. Chrysostom calls it the prayer of the faithful, and others of the Fathers speak in a similar manner. See Bingham, Ant. vol. I., p. 37, new ed.; St. Cyr. Cat. xxiii. 11; St. Cypr. de Or. Tract. vii. 6, p. 182; St. Chrys. Hom. on Rom. VII. 15.
[1130] Acts xi. 26, probably in derision; the people of Antioch being notorious for the invention of scurrilous nick-names.
[1131] Prov. xix. 12.
[1132] Isa. xi. 6, 7.
[1133] So LXX. E.V., cover with a covering, if this be taken for protection, the sense is the same, and apposite here, as it refers to seeking help from Egypt. The Hebrew hvsm admits both by a double derivation, see rvs and rvs.
[1134] Isa. xxx. 1.
[1135] So LXX. E.V., They have set up kings, but not by Me; they have made princes, and I knew it not; which is more exact. Basileuo, however, is used by the LXX. for "to make one king."
[1136] Hos. viii. 4.
[1137] This clause is not in our text.
[1138] From the additions to the Book of Esther, in the Apocrypha, ch. xiv. 2, 3, 13.
[1139] Sav. and M. om. For.
[1140] The imperial armature is here compared not with the Ecclesiastical dress, but with the spiritual armour, which the Church has somewhat differently, according to her discretion, represented by outward forms. What is applied by St. Paul to the individual Christian is here used specially of one who represents our Lord in authority as well as in person. Compare on the breastplate, Ex. xxvii. 15, Isa. lix. 7; on the girdle, Ex. xxviii. 40, Isa. xi. 5, Rev. i. 13, Eph. vi. 14; on the sandals, Isa. lii. 7, Eph. vi. 15; on the sword, Heb. iv. 12, Eph. vi. 17; on the crown, Ex. xxix. 6, Eph. vi. 17; see also Fabr. Ag. ii. 34 (Græv. Thes. viii. p. 2095). Martene de Ant. Eccl. Rit. l. i. c. 4, art. 1, sec. 12; Durand. Rat. Div. Off. lib. 3.
[1141] See on Rom. viii. 25; Hom. XIV. Mor., where the shoes are especially noticed as a part of imperial magnificence.
[1142] meizon he parrhesia, lit. "greater the boldness of speech," but the context seems to give this meaning.
[1143] i.e., than those belonging to an emperor. See Const. Ap. ii. 34, and note 11 of Cotelerius, p. 247.
[1144] Eph. vi. 12.
[1145] 2 Tim. ii. 6. St. Chrys. ad loc. Hom. IV. explains first, "before any other person." Hammond's interpretation "labouring first," requires a different order in the Greek.
[1146] 1 Cor. iii. 6.
[1147] See Fabr. Agon. iii. 1, where St. Chrysostom's interpretation on the passage (Hom. IV. in Ep. ad Tim.) is shown to be correct. Galen. Com. 1, ad Aph. xviii. fol. 45, is cited. "And they that contend by rule (or strive lawfully) eat only bread for breakfast and meat for dinner." There were other rules for the contest itself. See Hammond on 1 Cor. ix. notes f and g.
[1148] 2 Tim. ii. 5.
[1149] Luke xviii. 12.
[1150] Jonah iii. 10.
[1151] Isa. lviii. 3, 7; 1 Cor. ix. 26.
[1152] Jonah iii. 7.
[1153] Joel i. 17.
[1154] Jer. xiv. 5.
[1155] Joel ii. 16. This passage of scripture is read for the epistle in the service of our Church on Ash Wednesday as it also stands in the Roman Missal, it is read in the Greek Church on the same day. Ash Wednesday was not, however, constituted the first day of Lent till a later period, see Bingham, vol. vi. p. 456, b. xxi., c. 1, sec. 5. This Homily seems to have been preached on Quinquagesima Sunday, called by the Greeks, kuriake tes ?pokr?ou [Lat. carnelevale, or in dimissione carnium, hence carnival] as the next is tes turoph?gou (>bd), denoting degrees of abstinence. See note near the end of the next Homily.
[1156] dia ten nesteian, with the article it is "the Fast," or here Lent, without it "fasting."
[1157] Jonah iii. 10.
[1158] med?pote. This shows he did not mean only a temporary abstinence from sin, but a discipline to cure us of it for the future.
[1159] E.V., raise Heb. 'st. Exod. xxiii. 1, LXX.
[1160] It would seem from this passage that not even the use of fish was then allowed during the season of Lent. On the strictness of the ancient fasts, consult Bingham, vol. 7. p. 208, new ed. Tr. (The like is now practiced in the Greek Church. Smith's Account of G.C., p. 35, and reports of recent travellers.)
[1161] Gal. v. 15.
[1162] 1st reason.
[1163] 2nd reason.
[1164] 3rd reason.
[1165] pr?gmata pl?xas.
[1166] 2 Cor. xii. 21.
[1167] dusar?stos ?chontas.
[1168] This passage is erroneously quoted by Montfaucon, Synops. Diatr. l. t. 13, p. 179, as if it spoke of confessing one's own sins privately. St. Chrysostom certainly did not regard this as necessary. The original practice was a public confession of crimes. Private confession was at first subservient to this. See Bingham, b. xv. c. 8, sec. 6; xviii. c. 3, secs. 2, 7, 8; Socr. v. 19; Soz. vii. 16.
[1169] Ps. ci. 5.
[1170] Punct. Sav.
[1171] ou me is used thus with the future indicative at least in the third person. See Kühner, Gr. Gram. 779, 2 OEd. Col. 176.
[1172] Ecclus. xix. 10.
[1173] Matt. vii. 1.
[1174] Matt. xv. 17, 18.
[1175] The Emperor.
[1176] The two capitals of Antioch and Constantinople were separated by the distance of 800 miles. See Gibbon, c. 27.
[1177] He clearly means the same persons. See Soz. vii. 23. This might be pleaded as an excuse where demoniacal possession was a commonly acknowledged fact.
[1178] He probably refers to a tax which had been imposed on the citizens to defray the expenses of celebrating the 10th year of Theodosius, whose treasury was exhausted by the late war with the Goths. (Sozomen and Theodoret mistake the date. See Pref. Ed.) See Gibbon, c. 27.
[1179] to b?rathron. Xen. Hell. i. 7, 21, seems to imply that criminals at Athens were first put to death, and then thrown into the Barathrum. But they were sometimes thrown in alive, to be killed by the fall. The places so called may have differed both in nature and in use.
[1180] ousias.
[1181] Ps. cvi. 2.
[1182] Some add hotan katab?lles, lit. "when thou throwest him down;" it may have some special meaning. See on Rom. ii. 18, Hom. XI. Comp. Ja. iii. 9.
[1183] 1 Cor. xi. 7.
[1184] Gen. i. 26.