How then may one root out this evil passion? how subdue (huposkeliseie) this violent fever? Let us see whence it had its birth, and let us remove the cause. Whence is it wont to arise? From arrogance and much haughtiness. This cause then let us remove, and the disease is removed together with it. But what is arrogance? whence does it arise? for perhaps we are likely to have to go back to a still higher origin. But whatever course the reason of the thing may point out, that let us take, that we may go to the bottom of the mischief, and pluck it up by the roots. Whence then comes arrogance? From our not looking into our own concerns, but instead of that, busying ourselves about the nature of land, though we are not husbandmen, and the nature of gold, though we are not merchants, and concerning clothing, and everything else: while to ourselves and our own nature we never look at all. And who, you will say, is ignorant of his own nature? Many: perhaps all, save a few: and if ye will, I will show the proof of it. For, tell me, what is man? If one were asked, will he be able to answer outright to the questions, In what he differs from the brutes, in what he is akin to the heavenly inhabitants, what can be made of man? For as in the case of any other material, so also in this case: man is the subject-matter, but of this can be made either an angel or a beast. Does not this seem a strange saying? And yet ye have often heard it in the Scriptures. For of certain human beings it was said, "he is the angel of the Lord" (Mal. ii. 7): and "from his lips," saith it, "they shall seek judgment" (Mal. iii. 1): and again, "I send My angel before Thy face:" but of some, "Serpents, generation of vipers." (Matt. xii. 34.) So then, it all depends upon the use. Why do I say, an angel? the man can become God, and a child of God. For we read, "I have said, Ye are gods, and all of you are children of the Most High." (Ps. lxxxii. 6.) And what is greater, the power to become both God and angel and child of God is put into his own hands. Yea, so it is, man can be the maker of an angel. Perchance this saying has startled you? Hear however Christ saying: "In the Resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are like unto the angels." (Matt. xxii. 30.) And again, "He that is able to receive it, let him receive it." (Matt. xix. 12.) In a word, it is virtue which makes angels: but this is in our power: therefore we are able to make angels, though not in nature, certainly in will. For indeed if virtue be absent, it is no advantage to be an angel by nature; and the Devil is a proof of this, who was an angel once: but if virtue be present, it is no loss to be a man by nature; and John is a proof of this, who was a man, and Elias who went up into heaven, and all those who are about to depart thither. For these indeed, though with bodies, were not prevented from dwelling in heaven: while those others, though without bodies, could not remain in heaven. Let no one then grieve or be vexed with his nature as if it were a hindrance to him, but with his will. He (the Devil) from being incorporeal became a lion: for lo! it saith, "Our adversary, as a roaring lion, walketh about, seeking whom he may devour" (1 Pet. v. 8): we from being corporeal, become angels. For just as if a person, having found some precious material, should despise it, as not being an artificer, it will be a great loss to him, whether it be pearls, or a pearl shell, or any other such thing that he has seen; so we likewise, if we are ignorant of our own nature, shall despise it much: but if we know what it is, we shall exhibit much zeal, and reap the greatest profits. For from this nature is wrought a king's robe, from this a king's house, from this nature are fashioned a king's members: all are kingly. Let us not then misuse our own nature to our hurt. He has made us "a little lower than the angels," (Ps. viii. 5), I mean, by reason of death: but even that little we have now recovered. There is nothing therefore to hinder us from becoming nigh to the angels, if we will. Let us then will it, let us will it, and having exercised ourselves thoroughly, let us return honor to the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, now and ever, world without end, Amen.
[734] Ora pantachou tes eis ta ethne diorthoseos (the putting things right, the introduction of the right and proper course: mod. text metabaseos) anankaian ten archen eisagomenen. Mod. text ap' auton eisag. which Ben. renders, vide ubique transitum ad Gentes necessario a Judæis inductum. But the meaning is: "Throughout, it is so ordered by the Providence of God, that the Apostles do not seem to act spontaneously in this matter, but to be led by the force of circumstances." The persons (Peter, Paul, James) are not specified, the sense being: First, upon fault being found, there is apologizing and self-justifying: then, upon the Jews' open aversion, the preaching comes to the Gentiles: now, upon a new emergency, a law is enacted.--In the next sentence, B. C. diaphoros: A. and mod. text adiaphoros, which we retain.
[735] Mod. text isos oudamos hupoptos en, "perhaps he would not have been any way suspected."
[736] With Luke's narrative of the Apostolic council at Jerusalem should be compared Paul's (Gal. ii.) which gives additional particulars. The conference marked an epoch in the history of the church. Here came into decisive conflict two opposing tendencies--the Pharisaic tendency which insisted that the Gentiles must enter the Kingdom through the door of the law, and the catholic spirit which, following the principles of Stephen's apology and appreciating the revelations made to Peter, insisted that adherence to the Mosaic law was not only unnecessary, but was positively inconsistent with the freedom and completeness of Christ's salvation. The decree of the council was, no doubt, of great service in checking the Judaizing tendencies of the early church. It was in the line of this decree that the work of Paul was done, as the champion of catholic Christianity. The chief points to be noted in v. 1-12 are: (1) The representatives of the narrower Jewish view came to Antioch on purpose to antagonize the work of Paul and Barnabas among the Gentiles (v. 1). (2) They took the extreme position that salvation depended on circumcision and caused great anxiety and debate among the Gentile Christians regarding their relations to the Mosaic law (v. 2). (3) The Apostles and messengers who were sent to appeal the question to the leaders of the mother church at Jerusalem answered their objections by the fact of the Gentiles' conversion (v. 3-5). (4) Peter's position was now clear and pronounced. This is implied even in his subsequent conduct at Antioch whence he withdrew from the Gentiles (Gal. ii. 11 sq.) which Paul represents as an inconsistency. (5) Peter's view is first given both on account of his prominence among the Apostles and because he had been the first to bear the gospel to the Gentiles.--G.B.S.
[737] In the mss. and Edd. the part marked (b) is transposed to the beginning (c) of the remarks introductory to the morale, so that the Recapitulation (announced by mod. text at the end of the first sentence of (a) is split into two halves and the latter given first. In the old text the two parts (b) (c) make the entire Recapitulation, so that it is by no means akribesteron.
[738] Mod. text "Therefore they depart (thither) and stay no short time there (ch. xiv. 28). 'But there arose certain of the Pharisees (v. 5) yet laboring under the disease," etc.
[739] ton eis tous 'Ioudaious sumbebekoton: i.e. of the dispute about circumcision, see below p. 203, note 7. The first sentence of (c) "Great effrontery (this) of the Pharisees," etc., would come in suitably here, but it is required for introduction of the sentence which follows it, "But see the Apostles," etc.
[740] Here mod. text has the formula, 'All' idomen anothen ta eiremena.
[741] Kai touto de ou mikron, 'Ioudaion pisteuonton kai touton ouk apostraphenton, apo tou topou, apo tou kairou. Mod. text substitutes the sense of the latter words: duo toutois ho legei pistoutai, to kairo kai to topo: but for the former, ou mikron de to kai 'Ioudaion pisteuonton touto apostraphenai, quod etiam Judæis credentibus hoc avertatur. Ben. We reject touton, which disturbs the sense. He says: "Long ago--therefore why raise this question now, which was settled in those early days, when Jews received the faith, not rejected it with aversion? which aversion of theirs is now the occasion of the preachers' turning to the Gentiles. Yet even then the will of God was plainly declared. Thus the Apostle argues strongly both from the place--here in the midst of the Jews--and from the time."
[742] hosper ep' auton: referring to i. 24. as below on kardiognostes. He means, "It was a purpose of the Lord, and a high distinction: therefore he does not say, He would, or was willing that the Gentiles should hear, but He elected me for this work, as He elected us to the Apostleship."
[743] Ara kardias dei pantachou zetein. i.e. "He implies that God, as knowing the hearts of all men saw the fitness of these Gentiles, therefore chose them, and made no distinction between us and them in point of fitness. Consequently, the heart, not circumcision, is what we must everywhere look to. Nay, he adds, this same expression, kardiognostes was used by the Apostles on the occasion above referred to: so that Peter, by using it here also, declares the Gentiles to be upon a par with the Apostles themselves: no difference between us the Apostles, and them."
[744] mss. 'Exekathare proteron ton logon, kai tote k. t. l. Either ton logon has come in from another place (perhaps after eis phoberon katelexe below), or some words are lost, e.g. pistei te eis ton logon.
[745] The phoberon is in the kath' hon tropon kakeinoi. "Our danger, through the Law, is greater than theirs. Not only are they put upon a par with us, but we may be thankful to be put upon a par with them." To bring out this point, he reviews the tenor and drift of St. Peter's speech.
[746] Eikotos kai autoi loipon epimarturousi: that autoi means the Prophets (cited by St. James), seems to be shown by tois ede genomenois, "what they long ago foretold, which is even now come to pass."
[747] to gar katamikron touto ischuroteron genomenon ton ethnon; touto gar peirazontos en k. t. l. Mod. text touto gar kata mikron epagomenon egineto ischuroteron; ekeino de peir. en.--The meaning is: "He does not come at once to the point, but advances to it gradually: first, Put no difference--though, as he afterwards shows, if there be a difference it is in their favor: we are not to think it much that they are to be saved as we, but that we may trust to be saved even as they.'"
[748] Above, it was "disbelieving God, as not able to save by faith." Here, "You are tempting God by your unbelief: whereas the question is not so much whether He can save without the Law, as ei dunatai kai meta nomon (B. tou nomou) sosai."
[749] ouk aperchontai diaballontes tous en 'Ant. This also shows the epieikeia of Paul and Barnabas, that when they come to Jerusalem, we do not find them complaining of the Jews who had come to Antioch, but they confine themselves to the recital of "all that God had done with them," v. 4; as he had said above, ouden legousi peri ton eis tous 'Ioudaious sumbebekoton. The next clause, 'All' ekeithen palin lambanousin aphormen may be referred to the Apostles, "they again take advantage of this opportunity, viz. of the Judaizing opposition, to establish the freedom of the Gentiles." We have referred it to the Pharisaic brethren, v. 5, for the sake of connection with the following houtos emeleton to philarchein.--In the next clause, kai (mod. text hoi kai), ouk eidoton ton apostolon ememphthesan, Sav. marg. has 'pemphthesan, "these Judaizers were not sent with knowledge of the Apostles."
[750] 'Epieikeia, gentleness, in the sense of moderation and forbearance, keeping one's temper: here distinguished from the temper of the psuchros, which is unruffled only because he does not feel, and that of the flatterer, who puts up with everything for the sake of pleasing.
[751] He means, that to basileis, when there is an enemy in the field against them, the engrossing theme of discourse, even at table, is how to overcome their enemies. Such was probably the state of things when this Homily was preached: for the note of time in Hom. xliv. implies that it was delivered either at the close of 400 or the beginning of 401 a.d.: now the former of these years was signalized by the revolt and defeat of Gainas. Hence the following passage might be rendered, "they are holding assemblies each day, appointing generals and demanding taxes," etc. The war ended Dec. 400, in the defeat of Gainas.