[1671] Ap. Const. 22, 24, below, §81.
[1672] §31, &c.
[1673] Is. xxvi. 20.
[1674] kataskopou, ouk episkopos, vid. §45, note 6.
[1675] [a.d. 350, cf. Gibbon Hist. ch. xviii. vol. ii. p. 378.]
[1676] Apol. Ar. 87.
[1677] George had been pork-contractor to the army, and had been detected in peculation. vid. de Syn. 37, note 3.
[1678] Constantine called the Arians by this title after the philosopher Porphyry, the great enemy of Christianity. Socrates has preserved the Edict. Hist. i. 9.
[1679] De Morte Arii 3, &c.
[1680] Encycl. 2; Apol. Ar. 36.
[1681] §7, note 1.
[1682] The amanuensis here appears to speak for himself: but the Benedictines, with great probability, conjecture tote kai for autos te kai.
[1683] Ecclus. vii. 5 [Apol. Const. 2].
[1684] [This may well be taken as a statement of what ought to be; but in view of the history of the fourth century it can only be called a rhetorical exaggeration. See supr. §15, Apol. Ar. 36, ekeleusan, Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1) init., and D.C.A. p. 475, with reff. there given.]
[1685] hois an ethelosi, and just before hon an etheloi. [And more strikingly just below, §53 fin. ha thelousi prattei, epei kai autos haper ethelen ekouse par' auton.] This is a very familiar phrase with Athan. i.e. hos ethelesen, haper ethelesan, hotan thelosin, ous ethelesan, &c. &c. Some instances are given supr. Apol. Ar. 2, note 3, and de Syn. 13, note 6.
[1686] Cf. §§31, 63, note 6.
[1687] Encycl. §5.
[1688] [Observe that George has not yet arrived. Heraclius arrived as his precursor' (supr. §48) along with Cataphronius the new Prefect, on June 10, 356; see §55.]
[1689] ton ergasion,--trades, or workmen. vid. supr. Apol. Ar. 15. Montfaucon has a note upon the word in the Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xxvi. where he corrects his Latin in loc. of the former passage very nearly in conformity to the rendering given of it above, p. 108. In Onomastico monuimus, hic ergasias "officinarum operas" commodius exprimere.' And he quotes an inscription [C.I.G. i. 3924] touto to heroon stephanoi he ergasia ton bapheon.
[1690] [i.e. Thursday, June 13, 356, three days after the arrival of Heraclius and Cataphronius. The church in question was apparently that of Theonas, or the Cæsareum (p. 298). According to Hist. Aceph. the churches were formally handed over to the Arians on June 15, i.e. on the Saturday. The Hist. Aceph. here fits minutely the scattered notices of Athan.: see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (1).]
[1691] Catholicus, ib. 10, note 4.
[1692] ton agoraion, vid. Acts xvii. 5. agora has been used just above. vid. Suicer. Thesaur. in voc.
[1693] Vid. Fleury's Church History, xxii. 7. p. 129, note k. [Oxf. tr. 1843.] By specifying the material, Athan. implies that altars were sometimes not of wood. [cf. D.C.A. 61 sq.]
[1694] Curtains were at the entrance, and before the chancel. vid. Bingh. Antiqu. viii. 6. §8. Hofman. Lex. in voc. velum. also Chrysost. Hom. iii. in Eph.
[1695] The royal quarter in Alexandria, vid. Apol. Const. 15. In other Palatia an aqueduct was necessary, e.g. vid. Cod. Theod. xv. 2. even at Daphne, though it abounded in springs, ibid. 1, 2.
[1696] Vid. Herodot. ii. 41. who says that cows and heifers were sacred to Isis. vid. Jablonski Pantheon Æg. i. 1. §15. who says that Isis was worshipped in the shape of a cow, and therefore the cows received divine honours. Yet bulls were sacrificed to Apis, ibid. iv. 2. §9. vid. also Schweighæuser in loc. Herod.
[1697] Vid. note on de Decr. §1. This is a remarkable instance of the special and technical sense of the words, eusebeia, asebountes, &c. being here contrasted with pagan blasphemy, &c.
[1698] 1 Sam. 5, 6.
[1699] Acts i. 18.
[1700] [meta thallon; phallon pro vera lectione probabiliter haberi posse arbitror.' Montf. Coll. Nov. t. ii.]
[1701] agoraion, see §§55, note 11, above.
[1702] Cf. Ep. Æg. 17, and §31, note 8.
[1703] Vid. Socr. Hist. iv. 13.
[1704] Apol. Fug. 6.
[1705] Cf. §55.
[1706] Vid. de Syn. 31, note 4, also Greg. Naz. Orat. 35. 3. Epiph. Hær. 69. 3. Theod. Hist. i. 3. (P. 730. ed. Schulze).
[1707] The mines of Phæno lie almost in a direct line between Petræ and Zoar, which is at the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. They formed the place of punishment of Confessors in the Maximinian Persecution, Euseb. de Mart. Pal. 7, and in the Arian Persecution at Alexandria after Athan. Theod. H. E. iv. 19, p. 996. Phæno was once the seat of a Bishopric, which sent a Bishop to the Councils at Ephesus, the Ecumenical, and the Latrocinium. vid. Reland. Palestine, pp. 951, 952. Montfaucon in loc. Athan. Le Quien. Or. Christ. t. 3. p. 745.
[1708] Prov. xii. 10.
[1709] Ermeian louonta tous anexodous, Inauspicato verterat Hermantius, qui angiportos non pervios lavabat;' Montfaucon, Coll. Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. who translates as above, yet not satisfactorily, especially as there is no article before louonta. Tillemont says, qui avait "quelle charge" dans la police de la ville,' understanding by anexodoi, inclusi sive incarcerati homines;' whereas they are ii qui ana tas exodous in exitibus viarum, stipem cogunt.' Montf. ibid. For the custom of washing the feet vid. Bingh. Antiqu. xii. 4. §10.
[1710] Cf. §38.
[1711] Luke xii. 33; Matt. xxv. 35, 40.
[1712] Cf. §81.
[1713] They would give money, but thought it wrong to give food. Ath. was possibly unaware of this distinction. See Bright, Introd. to Hist. Tracts, p. lxxi. note 7.]
[1714] Joh. ix.; Matt. ix. 3.
[1715] Vid. de Decr. §1.
[1716] Cf. note on Orat. i. §8.
[1717] §59.
[1718] strategou, infr. §81, note.
[1719] tous artous [i.e. their stated allowance: see also Apol. Ar. 18], the word occurs Encycl. 4, Apol. Fug. 6, supr. §§31, 54, in this sense: but Nannius, Hermant, and Tillemont, with some plausibility understand it as a Latin term naturalized, and translate most cruel of all, with much insolence they tore the "limbs" of the dead,' alleging that merely to take away loaves' was not so cruel' as to take away lives,' which the Arians had done [the parallels refute this, apart from linguistic grounds].
[1720] asebemata
[1721] p. 227, note 8, infr. §73.
Part VIII.
Persecution in Egypt.
64. Who would call them even by the name of Gentiles; much less by that of Christians? Would any one regard their habits and feelings as human, and not rather those of wild beasts, seeing their cruel and savage conduct? They are more worthless than public hangmen; more audacious than all other heretics. To the Gentiles they are much inferior, and stand far apart and separate from them [1722] . I have heard from our fathers, and I believe their report to be a faithful one, that long ago, when a persecution arose in the time [1723] of Maximian, the grandfather of Constantius, the Gentiles concealed our brethren the Christians, who were sought after, and frequently suffered the loss of their own substance, and had trial of imprisonment, solely that they might not betray the fugitives. They protected those who fled to them for refuge, as they would have done their own persons, and were determined to run all risks on their behalf. But now these admirable persons, the inventors of a new heresy, act altogether the contrary part; and are distinguished for nothing but their treachery. They have appointed themselves as executioners, and seek to betray all alike, and make those who conceal others the objects of their plots, esteeming equally as their enemy both him that conceals and him that is concealed. So murderous are they; so emulous in their evil-doings of the wickedness of Judas.
65. Martyrdom of Secundus of Barka.
The crimes these men have committed cannot adequately be described. I would only say, that as I write and wish to enumerate all their deeds of iniquity, the thought enters my mind, whether this heresy be not the fourth daughter of the horse-leach [1724] in the Proverbs, since after so many acts of injustice, so many murders, it hath not yet said, It is enough.' No; it still rages, and goes about [1725] seeking after those whom it has not yet discovered, while those whom it has already injured, it is eager to injure anew. After the night attack, after the evils committed in consequence of it, after the persecution brought about by Heraclius, they cease not yet to accuse us falsely before the Emperor (and they are confident that as impious persons they will obtain a hearing), desiring that something more than banishment may be inflicted upon us, and that hereafter those who do not consent to their impieties may be destroyed. Accordingly, being now emboldened in an extreme degree, that most abandoned Secundus [1726] of Pentapolis, and Stephanus [1727] his accomplice, conscious that their heresy was a defence of any injustice they might commit, on discovering a Presbyter at Barka who would not comply with their desires (he was called Secundus, being of the same name, but not of the same faith with the heretic), they kicked him till he died [1728] . While he was thus suffering he imitated the Saint, and said, Let no one avenge my cause before human judges; I have the Lord for my avenger, for whose sake I suffer these things at their hands.' They however were not moved with pity at these words, nor did they feel any awe of the sacred season; for it was during the time of Lent [1729] that they thus kicked the man to death.
66. Persecution the weapon of Arianism.
O new heresy, that hast put on the whole devil in impiety and wicked deeds! For in truth it is but a lately invented evil; and although certain heretofore appear to have adopted its doctrines, yet they concealed them, and were not known to hold them. But Eusebius and Arius, like serpents coming out of their holes, have vomited forth the poison of this impiety; Arius daring to blasphemy openly, and [1730] Eusebius defending his blasphemy. He was not however able to support the heresy, until, as I said before, he found a patron [1731] for it in the Emperor. Our fathers called an Ecumenical Council, when three hundred of them, more or less [1732] , met together and condemned the Arian heresy, and all declared that it was alien and strange to the faith of the Church. Upon this its supporters, perceiving that they were dishonoured, and had now no good ground of argument to insist upon, devised a different method, and attempted to vindicate it by means of external power. And herein one may especially admire the novelty as well as wickedness of their device, and how they go beyond all other heresies. For these support their madness by persuasive arguments calculated to deceive the simple; the Greeks, as the Apostle has said, make their attack with excellency and persuasiveness of speech, and with plausible fallacies; the Jews, leaving the divine Scriptures, now, as the Apostle again has said, contend about fables and endless genealogies [1733] ;' and the Manichees and Valentinians with them, and others, corrupting the divine Scriptures, put forth fables in terms of their own inventions. But the Arians are bolder than them all, and have shewn that the other heresies are but their younger sisters [1734] , whom, as I have said, they surpass in impiety, emulating them all, and especially the Jews in their iniquity. For as the Jews, when they were unable to prove the charges which they pretended to allege against Paul, straightway led him to the chief captain and the governor; so likewise these men, who surpass the Jews in their devices, make use only of the power of the judges; and if any one so much as speaks against them, he is dragged before the Governor or the General.
67. Arianism worse than other heresies, because of Persecution.
The other heresies also, when the very Truth has refuted them on the clearest evidence, are wont to be silent, being simply confounded by their conviction. But this modern and accursed heresy, when it is overthrown by argument, when it is cast down and covered with shame by the very Truth, forthwith endeavours to coerce by violence and stripes and imprisonment those whom it has been unable to persuade by argument, thereby acknowledging itself to be anything rather than godly. For it is the part of true godliness not to compel [1735] , but to persuade, as I said before. Thus our Lord Himself, not as employing force, but as offering to their free choice, has said to all, If any man will follow after Me [1736] ;' and to His disciples, Will ye also go away [1737] ?' This heresy, however, is altogether alien from godliness; and therefore how otherwise should it act, than contrary to our Saviour, seeing also that it has enlisted that enemy of Christ, Constantius, as it were Antichrist himself [1738] , to be its leader in impiety? He for its sake has earnestly endeavoured to emulate Saul in savage cruelty. For when the priests gave victuals to David, Saul commanded, and they were all destroyed, in number three hundred and five [1739] ; and this man, now that all avoid the heresy, and confess a sound faith in the Lord, annuls a Council of full three hundred Bishops, banishes the Bishops themselves, and hinders the people from the practice of piety, and from their prayers to God, preventing their public assemblies. And as Saul overthrew Nob, the city of the priests, so this man, advancing even further in wickedness, has given up the Churches to the impious. And as he honoured Doeg the accuser before the true priests, and persecuted David, giving ear to the Ziphites; so this man prefers heretics to the godly, and still persecutes them that flee from him, giving ear to his own eunuchs, who falsely accuse the orthodox. He does not perceive that whatever he does or writes in behalf of the heresy of the Arians, involves an attack [1740] upon the Saviour.