43. Are we schismatics? Is not he the schismatic who refuses a habitation to the living, a grave to the dead, and demands the exile of his brethren? Who was it that set at our throats, with special fury, that wild beast who constantly menaced the throats of the whole world? [5126] Who is it that permits the rain to beat upon the bones of the saints, and their harmless ashes, up to the present hour? These are the endearments with which the good shepherd invites us to reconciliation, and at the same time accuses us of setting up an authority of our own--us who are united in communion and charity with all the bishops, so long, at least, as they are orthodox. Do you yourself constitute the Church, and is whosoever offends you shut out from Christ? If we defend our own authority--prove that we have a bishop in your diocese. The reason that we have not had communion with you is the question of faith; answer our questions, and it will become one of order.
44. "They," you go on, "also take advantage of other letters which they say Epiphanius wrote to them. But he, too shall give account for all his doings before the judgment seat of Christ, where great and small shall be judged without respect of persons. Still, how can they rely on his letter which he wrote only because we took him to task on the matter of the unlawful ordination of Paulinianus and his associates; as in the opening of that very letter he intimates?" What, I ask, is the meaning of this blindness? how is it that he is immersed, as the saying goes, in Cimmerian darkness? He says that we make a pretext, and that we have no letters from Epiphanius against him, and he immediately adds, "How can they rely on his letter, which he only wrote because he was taken to task by us, in the matter of the unlawful ordination of Paulinianus and his associates; as in the opening of that very letter he intimates?" We have no such letter! And what letter then is that, which in its opening sentence speaks of Paulinianus? There is something in the body of the letter of which you are afraid to make mention. Well! He was taken to task, you say, by you because of the age of Paulinianus. But you yourself ordain a man presbyter, and send him out as an envoy and a colleague. You have the boldness falsely to call Paulinianus a boy, and then to send out your own boy presbyter. You likewise take Theoseca, a deacon of the church of Thiria, and make him presbyter, and put weapons into his hands against us, and make a misuse of his eloquence for our injury. You alone are at liberty to trample on the rights of the Church; whatever you do, is the standard of teaching; and you do not blush to challenge Epiphanius to stand with you before the judgment seat of Christ. The sequel of this passage is to the following effect: [5127] he throws it in the teeth of Epiphanius that he was the partner of his table and an inmate of his house, and declares that they never had any talk together concerning the views of Origen, and he supports what he says with the attestation of an oath, saying: "He never showed, as God is witness, that he had even the suspicion that our faith was not correct?" I am unwilling to answer and argue acrimoniously, lest I seem to be convicting a bishop of perjury. There are several letters of Epiphanius in our possession. One to John himself, others to the bishops of Palestine, and one of recent date to the pontiff of Rome; and in these he speaks of himself as impugning his views in the presence of many, and says that he was not thought worthy of a reply, "and the whole Monastery," he says, "is witness to what we in our insignificance assert."
[4986] Rom. viii. 26.
[4987] Novatus the Carthaginian was the chief ally of Novatian, who, about the middle of the third century, founded the sect of the Cathari, or pure. The allusion is to the severity with which they treated the lapsed.
[4988] Maximilla and Priscilla, who forsook their husbands and followed him, professing to be inspired prophetesses. Circ. a.d. 150. Montanus, like Novatian, refused to re-admit the lapsed.
[4989] That is, John.
[4990] 2 Cor. iii. 18.
[4991] In Jerome's text, "limped in both its feet." It seemed better to give the accepted meaning.
[4992] 1 Kings xviii. 21.
[4993] Ps. xviii. 45.
[4994] Prov. x. 9.
[4995] That is, Epiphanius. See Jerome, Letter LI. c. 6. Epiphanius prays that God would free John and Rufinus and all their flock from all heresies.
[4996] The doctrine that the Son is of "one substance with the Father." More correctly of one essence, etc.
[4997] The meaning is that, where error is widespread, the Church authorities are forced to wink at speciously expressed error in the pastors.
[4998] 1 Pet. iii. 15.
[4999] John complained of the ordination of Paulinianus, Jerome's brother, to the priesthood by Epiphanius, for the monastery of Bethlehem.
[5000] Matt. vi. 23.
[5001] Origen's great speculative work "On First Principles."
[5002] Ps. cxix. 67.
[5003] Ps. cxvi. 7.
[5004] Ps. cxlii. 7.
[5005] Acts ii. 40.
[5006] Vettius Agorius Prætextatus, one of the most virtuous of the heathen. Jerome writes of him to Marcella (Letter XXIII. 2): "I wish you to know that the consul designate is now in Tartarus."
[5007] Gal. i. 8.
[5008] Ps. cxxxix. 21, 22.
[5009] Deut. xxxiii. 9.
[5010] Matt. x. 37.
[5011] Ps. viii. 3.
[5012] 1 Cor. xiii. 9.
[5013] Eunomius held that the Son "resembles the Father in nothing but his working," and similar doctrines.
[5014] Of Sebaste, in the Lesser Armenia. Epiphanius described him as an Arian. He asserted that Bishops and Presbyters were equal.
[5015] This probably relates to Rufinus, whose name was mentioned by Epiphanius in his letter to John.
[5016] Col. i. 26.
[5017] Rom. xi. 33.
[5018] Is. liii. 8.
[5019] Paulinianus.
[5020] Acts xxiii. 5; Ex. xxii. 28.
[5021] A celebrated orator of Athens, many of whose orations are extant. B. 458, d. 378 b.c.
[5022] This story is from the 4th Declamation of Seneca.
[5023] Literally "devours his wrongs."
[5024] Ps. xxxiii. 6.
[5025] Ps. civ. 4.
[5026] Jude 6.
[5027] Eph. i. 21.
[5028] Rom. vii. 24.
[5029] The names of the officers of the Roman Legion (some of them of doubtful meaning), viz., tribunes, primicerius, senator, ducenarius, centenarius, biarchus, circitor, eques, have been rendered approximately by these English equivalents.
[5030] That is, apparently, with a play upon the word, Men of Mud.
[5031] 1 Cor. ii. 14.
[5032] 1 Cor. i. 25.
[5033] John v. 17.
[5034] That is, Zechariah xii. 1.
[5035] Ps. xxxiii. 15.
[5036] Col. i. 18.
[5037] Jussione. Another reading, "Eâdem ratione et visione," might be rendered, "In the same condition and the same appearance."
[5038] 1 Cor. xv. 44.
[5039] Luke xx. 35, 36.
[5040] Matt. xxiv. 24.
[5041] 1 Cor. xv. 58.
[5042] That is, the reason of the seed.
[5043] 1 Cor. xv. 35, 37.
[5044] 1 Cor. xv. 42, 44.
[5045] Phil. iii. 21.
[5046] 1 Cor. xv. 53.
[5047] Ps. xlv. 13.
[5048] Cant. i. 4.
[5049] Col. i. 21, 22.
[5050] Col. ii. 11.
[5051] 1 Cor. xv. 44; Matt. xxii. 30; Luke xx. 35.
[5052] Luke xxiv. 39.
[5053] John xx. 27.
[5054] Gen. vi. 3.
[5055] Gal. i. 16.
[5056] Rom. viii. 9.
[5057] 1 Cor. xv. 53.
[5058] Matt. xvii. 2.
[5059] Ps. xvi. 9.
[5060] Acts ii. 31.
[5061] Is. xl. 5.
[5062] xxxvii. 1 sqq.
[5063] Job xix. 23 sqq.
[5064] Besides medulla and seminarium Jerome has onterione = inward part, or pith.
[5065] Luke i. 35.
[5066] Ecc. ix. 8.
[5067] Matt. xxii. 13.
[5068] Luke xii. 7.
[5069] John v. 25.
[5070] Sept. "The dew which comes from thee is healing to them."
[5071] Is. xxvi. 20.
[5072] Dan. xii. 2.
[5073] Is. lxvi. 24.
[5074] Rom. vi. 4.
[5075] Rom. viii. 11.
[5076] Acts vii. 55.
[5077] Ex. iv. 6.
[5078] xviii. 3, 4. Sept.
[5079] Luke x. 34.
[5080] Matt. xxvii. 52.
[5081] lxiii. 1 sq.
[5082] Gen. xlix. 11.
[5083] John xvi. 33.
[5084] Ps. xlv. (?).
[5085] Cant. viii. 5.
[5086] Cant. v. 10.
[5087] Apoc. xiv. 4.
[5088] John vi. 39.
[5089] Luke xv. 3 sq.
[5090] John xix. 6.
[5091] Luke xxiii. 28.
[5092] Acts i. 11.
[5093] Ib. 3.
[5094] 1 Cor. ii. 9.
[5095] John xxi. 9.
[5096] Mark v.
[5097] John xii.
[5098] Luke xxiv. 16.
[5099] John xx.
[5100] John xxi. 7.
[5101] Ib. 12.
[5102] Born at Cyrene about b.c. 213. He maintained that we can be sure of nothing, neither through the senses, nor through the understanding.
[5103] Acts xii.
[5104] One of the Argonauts.
[5105] Matt. xiv. 28.
[5106] Rom. vi. 4.
[5107] 1 Cor. xv. 50.
[5108] Ib.
[5109] Ib. 54.
[5110] Ib. 55.
[5111] 1 Sam. ii. 25.
[5112] Laudat faciem, ad personam principum trahit. Literally, He praises the face (i.e. the person of Theophilus) and draws him on to act the part of (only fit for) princes.
[5113] Canon 6 says that the old customs are to hold good, that all Egypt is to be subject to the authority of the bishop of Alexandria, just as the custom holds at Rome; and similarly that at Antioch, and in the other churches the authority of the churches should be preserved to them. Canon 7 says: "Since custom and ancient tradition has prevailed to cause honour to be given to the bishop of Ælia (Jerusalem), let him have the proper results of this honour; saving, however, the proper authority due to the metropolis" (that is, Cæsarea).
[5114] This relates to Paulinianus, who was ordained by Epiphanius, and was then living with him in Cyprus.
[5115] Theophilus, whose sympathies had suddenly changed, turned violently against Isidore, who had previously been his confidential friend, accused him of Origenism, and, on his taking refuge with Chrysostom at Constantinople, pursued both him and Chrysostom with unrelenting animosity.
[5116] Reading portantes errorem. Another reading is, "Through the error of the bearer."
[5117] John, to whom the letters were really written.
[5118] Isidore was closely associated with the three brothers known as the Long Monks from their great size, and seems to have shared the appellation with them.
[5119] i.e. Jerome and his friends. This was Isidore's report, incorporated probably into John's letter.
[5120] Numb. xxxv. 30; Deut. xvii. 6; 2 Cor. xiii. 1.
[5121] Dating probably from Jerome's coming to Palestine. See Prefatory Note.
[5122] Jerome was ordained at Antioch, Vincentius at Constantinople.
[5123] That is, Jerome argues, Epiphanius, who ordained him.
[5124] This perhaps means, "No virtue has gone out of you--you have conferred nothing upon me."
[5125] Lydda.
[5126] The allusion is believed to be to the Prefect Rufinus, who was at the head of the government under the young Arcadius, and whose intrigues with Alaric with a view to obtain the empire for himself led to his death in the end of 395.--Comp. Letter LXXXII. 10.
[5127] See Letter LI., which begins as John says, though Jerome denies it.
Against the Pelagians:
Dialogue Between Atticus, a Catholic, and Critobulus, a Heretic.
------------------------
The anti-Pelagian Dialogue is the last of Jerome's controversial works, having been written in the year 417, within three years of his death. It shows no lack of his old vigour, though perhaps something of the prolixity induced by old age. He looks at the subject more calmly than those of the previous treatises, mainly because it lay somewhat outside the track of his own thoughts. He was induced to interest himself in it by his increasing regard for Augustin, and by the coming of the young Spaniard, Orosius, in 414, from Augustin to sit at his feet. Pelagius also had come to Palestine, and, after an investigation of his tenets, at a small council at Jerusalem, in 415, presided over by Bishop John, and a second, at Diospolis in 416, had been admitted to communion. Jerome appears to have taken no part in these proceedings, and having been at peace with Bishop John for nearly twenty years, was no doubt unwilling to act against him. But he had come to look upon Pelagius as infected with the heretical "impiety," which he looked upon (i. 28) as far worse than moral evil; and connected him, as we see from his letter to Ctesiphon (CXXXIII.), with Origenism and Rufinus; and he brings his great knowledge of Scripture to bear upon the controversy. He quotes a work of Pelagius, though giving only the headings, and the numbers of the chapters, up to 100 (i. 26-32); and, though at times his conviction appears weak, and there are passages (i. 5, ii. 6-30, iii. 1) which give occasion to the observation that he really, if unconsciously, inclined to the views of Pelagius, and that he is a "Synergist," not, like Augustin, a thorough predestinarian, the Dialogue, as a whole, is clear and forms a substantial contribution to our knowledge. Although its tone is less violent than that of his ascetic treatises, it appears to have stirred up the strongest animosity against him. The adherents of Pelagius attacked and burned the monasteries of Bethlehem, and Jerome himself only escaped by taking refuge in a tower. His sufferings, and the interference of Pope Innocentius in his behalf, may be seen by referring to Letters CXXXV.-CXXXVII., with the introductory notes prefixed to them.