A Brighter Day Begins with His Word.

Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series • VOL 7 • SECTION 32

[691] Ps. cx. 1.

← Cyril of Jerusalem & Gregory Nazianzen

[691] Ps. cx. 1.

[692] Matt. xxiv. 5.

[693] Matt. xxiv. 15. Compare Cat. xv. 9, 15.

[694] Compare xv. 27, where the followers of Marcellus of Ancyra are indicated as holding this opinion.

[695] In xvi. 6-10, Cyril gives a long list of heresies concerning the Holy Ghost.

[696] 1 Cor. ii. 10.

[697] Matt. xii. 32.

[698] This clause is not in the Creed of Nicæa, but is added in the Creed of Constantinople, a.d. 381.

[699] Col. i. 16.

[700] theopoion is omitted in Codd. Roe, Casaubon, and A.

[701] The Benedictine Editor argues from Cat. i. 5, "that thou mayest by faith seal up the things that are spoken;" and xxiii. 18: "sealing up the Prayer by the Amen," that Cyril means by "this seal" the firm belief of Christian doctrine. Compare John iii. 33. But Milles understands by the "seal" the Creed itself, which agrees better with the following context.

[702] he soteria gar haute tes pisteos hemon, which might be rendered, "this our salvation by faith," or, with Milles, "this safety of our Faith." For the rendering in the text compare Heb. iii. 1: archierea tes homologias hemon. On heuresilogia, see Polybius xviii. 29, § 3: dia tes pros allelous heuresilogias.

[703] iv. 4.

[704] In the Clementine Homily xvi. 16, the soul having come forth from God, clothed with His breath, is said to be of the same substance, and yet not God. In Tertull. c. Marcion II. c. 9, the soul is the affatus (pnoe not pneuma) of God, i.e. the image of the Spirit, and inferior to it, though possessing the true lineaments of divinity, immortality, freedom, its own mastery over itself.

[705] Tertull. c. Marc. II. 6: It was proper that he who is the image and likeness of God should be formed with a free will, and a mastery of himself, so that this very thing, namely freedom of will and self-command, might be reckoned as the image and likeness of God in him.

[706] Compare Aug. de Civ. Dei. v. 1, where he says that the astrologers (Mathematici) say, not merely such or such a position of Mars signifies that a man will be a murderer, but makes him a murderer. See Dict. of Christian Antiq., "Astrology."

[707] Is. xlvii. 13.

[708] "The Orphic poets were under the impression that the soul is suffering the punishment of sin, and that the body is an enclosure or prison in which the soul is incarcerated and kept (sozetai) as the name soma implies, until the penalty is paid." Plato, Cratyl. 400. Clement of Alexandria (Strom. III. iii. 17), after referring to this passage of Plato, quotes Philolaus the Pythagorean, as saying: "The ancient theologians and soothsayers also testify that the soul has been chained to the body for a kind of punishment, and is buried in it as in a tomb."

[709] Rom. vii. 16.

[710] Is. i. 19, 20.

[711] Rom. vi. 19.

[712] Rom. i. 28.

[713] Rom. i. 19.

[714] Matt. xiii. 15.

[715] Jer. ii. 21.

[716] Apelles, the heretic, attributed the difference of sex to the soul, which existing before the body impressed its sex upon it. Tertull. On the Soul, c. xxxvi.

[717] Irenæus I. vii. 5: "They (the Valentinians) conceive of three kinds of men, spiritual, material, and animal....These three natures are no longer found in one person, but constitute various kinds of men....And again subdividing the animal souls themselves, they say that some are by nature good, and others by nature evil." Origen on Romans, Lib. VIII. § 10: "I know not how those who come from the School of Valentinus and Basilides...suppose that there are souls of one nature which are always safe and never perish, and others which always perish, and are never saved."

[718] See iv. 18.

[719] On the impure practices of the Manichees, see vi. 33, 34.

[720] Fortunatus, the Manichee, in August. Disput. ii. 20, contra Fortunat. is represented as saying, What we assert is this, that the soul is compelled to sin by a substance of contrary nature.

[721] 1 Cor. vi. 19.

[722] monazontes. Compare xii. 33; xvi. 22. The origin of Monasticism is usually traced to the time of the Decian persecution, the middle of the third century. Previously "there were no monks, but only ascetics in the Church; from that time to the reign of Constantine, Monachism was confined to the anchorets living in private cells in the wilderness: but when Pachomius had erected monasteries in Egypt, other countries presently followed the example....Hilarion, who was scholar to Antonius, was the first monk that ever lived in Palestine or Syria." Bingham, VII. i. 4.

[723] Heb. xii. 16.

[724] Heb. xiii. 4.

[725] 1 Cor. vii. 5.

[726] The condemnation of a second marriage, which the Benedictine Editor and others import into this passage, is not to be found in it. tous deutero gamo sumperienechthentas neither means "qui ad secundas nuptias ultro se dejecere," nor even "who have involved themselves" (R.W.C.), but simply "who have consented to,"--or, "consented together in--a second marriage," without any intimation of censure. See V. 9; VI. 13: Ecclus. xxv. 1; gune kai haner heautois sumperipheromenoi; 2 Macc. ix. 27; Euseb. H. E. ix. 9, 7: anexikakos kai summetros sumperipherointo autois; Zeno, ap. Diog. Laert. vii. 18; to sumperipheresthai tois philois. Diog. Laert. vii. 13: eusumperiphoros. Polyb. IV. 35, § 7, and II. 17, § 12. The gentleness with which Cyril here speaks of second marriages is in striking contrast with the passionate vehemence of Tertullian in the treatise de Monogamia, and elsewhere. Aug. de Hæresibus, cc. 26, 38, reckons the condemnation of second marriage among the heretical doctrines of the Montanists and Cathari. In the treatise de Bono Viduitatis, c. 6, he argues that a second marriage is not to be condemned, but is less honourable than widowhood, and severely rebukes the heretical teaching on this point of Tertullian, the Montanists, and the Novatians. De Bono Conjugali, c. 21: Sacramentum nuptiarum temporis nostri sic ad unum virum et unam uxorem redactum est, ut Ecclesiæ dispensatorem non liceat ordinare nisi unius uxoris virum. On the practice of the Church at various times see Bingham, IV. v. 1-4; Suicer, Thesaur. Digamia.

[727] 1 Cor. vii. 8, 9.

[728] The Nicolaitans (Apocal. ii. 14, 20); and the Valentinians, of whom Irenæus (II. xiv. 5), says that they derived their opinion as to the indifference of meats from the Cynics. See also Irenæus I. vi. 3; and xxvi. 3.

[729] Ps. cxxvi. 5.

[730] 1 Tim. v. 23.

[731] 1 Tim. iv. 3.

[732] The various sects of Gnostics, and the Manichees, considered certain meats and drinks, as flesh and wine, to be polluting. Vid. Iren. Hær. i. 28. Clem. Pæd. ii. 2. p. 186. Epiph. Hær. xlvi. 2, xlvii. 1, &c., &c. August. Hær. 46, vid. Canon. Apost. 43. "If any Bishop, &c., abstain from marriage, flesh, and wine, not for discipline (di' askesin) but as abhorring them, forgetting that they are all very good, &c., and speaking blasphemy against the creation, let him amend or be deposed," &c. R.W.C.

[733] Acts xv. 20, 29. The prohibition of blood and things strangled has continued to the present day in the Eastern Church, though already disregarded by the Latins in the time of S. Augustine (c. Faustum. xxxii. 13).

[734] Tertullian (Apologeticus, c. 9) speaks of those "who at the gladiator shows, for the cure of epilepsy, quaff with greedy thirst the blood of criminals slain in the arena," and of others "who make meals on the flesh of wild beasts at the place of combat:" and contrasts the habits of Christians, who abstain from things strangled, to avoid pollution by the blood.

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