At the Pontic retreat Basil now began that system of hard ascetic discipline which eventually contributed to the enfeeblement of his health and the shortening of his life. He complains again and again in his letters of the deplorable physical condition to which he is reduced, and he died at the age of fifty. It is a question whether a constitution better capable of sustaining the fatigue of long journeys, and a life prolonged beyond the Council of Constantinople, would or would not have left a larger mark upon the history of the Church. There can be no doubt, that in Basil's personal conflict with the decadent empire represented by Valens, his own cause was strengthened by his obvious superiority to the hopes and fears of vulgar ambitions. He ate no more than was actually necessary for daily sustenance, and his fare was of the poorest. Even when he was archbishop, no flesh meat was dressed in his kitchens. [77] His wardrobe consisted of one under and one over garment. By night he wore haircloth; not by day, lest he should seem ostentatious. He treated his body, says his brother, with a possible reference to St. Paul, [78] as an angry owner treats a runaway slave. [79] A consistent celibate, he was yet almost morbidly conscious of his unchastity, mindful of the Lord's words as to the adultery of the impure thought. [80] St. Basil relates in strong terms his admiration for the ascetic character of Eustathius of Sebaste, [81] and at this time was closely associated with him. Indeed, Eustathius was probably the first to introduce the monastic system into Pontus, his part in the work being comparatively ignored in later days when his tergiversation had brought him into disrepute. Thus the credit of introducing monasticism into Asia Minor was given to Basil alone. [82] A novel feature of this monasticism was the Coenobium, [83] for hitherto ascetics had lived in absolute solitude, or in groups of only two or three. [84] Thus it was partly relieved from the discredit of selfish isolation and unprofitable idleness. [85]
The example set by Basil and his companions spread. Companies of hard-working ascetics of both sexes were established in every part of Pontus, every one of them an active centre for the preaching of the Nicene doctrines, and their defence against Arian opposition and misconstruction. [86] Probably about this time, in conjunction with his friend Gregory, Basil compiled the collection of the beauties of Origen which was entitled Philocalia. Origen's authority stood high, and both of the main divisions of Christian thought, the Nicene and the Arian, endeavoured to support their respective views from his writings. Basil and Gregory were successful in vindicating his orthodoxy and using his aid in strengthening the Catholic position.
[54] Ep. i.
[55] What these inducements can have been it seems vain to conjecture. cf. Ep. i. and note.
[56] Greg. Naz., Or. xliii.
[57] Rufinus xi. 9.
[58] Ep. ccx. § 2. The time assigned by Maran for the incident here narrated is no doubt the right one. But the deputation need have travelled no farther than to Annesi, if, as is tolerably certain, Basil on his return from Athens visited his relatives and the family estate.
[59] The word kataschein would be natural if they sought to keep him in Pontus; hardly, if their object was to bring him from Cæsarea.
[60] Or. xliii.
[61] Vit. Mac.
[62] cf. De Sp. Scto. xxix., where the description of the bishop who both baptized and ordained Basil, and spent a long life in the ministry, can apply only to Dianius. cf. Maran, Vit. Bas. iii.
[63] According to the legendary life of St. Basil, attributed to St. Amphilochius, he was baptized at Jerusalem. Nor is it right to omit to notice the argument of Wall (Infant Baptism, ch. x.) founded on a coincidence between two passages in the writings of Greg. Naz. In Or. xl. ad init. he speaks of baptism as a genesis hemerine kai eleuthera kai lutike pathon, pan to apo geneseos kalumma peritemnousa, kai pros ten ano zoen epanagousa. In Or. xliii., he says of Basil that ta prota tes helikias upo to patri...sparganoutai kai diaplattetai plasin ten aristen te kai katharotaten, hen hemerinen ho theios Dabid kalos onouazei kai tes nuchterines antitheton. As they stand alone, there is something to be said for the conclusion Wall deduces from these passages. Against it there is the tradition of the later baptism, with the indication of Dianius as having performed the rite in the De Sp. Scto. 29. On the other hand ta prota tes helikias might possibly refer not to infancy, but to boyhood.
[64] De S. Scto. xxiv. On his growing seriousness of character, cf. Ep. ccxxiii.
[65] Epp. i. and ccxxiii. § 2.
[66] Ep. lxxx.
[67] cf. Ep. ccxxiii. § 2. Greg. Naz., Or. xliii.
[68] e.g. The New Party, 1894, pp. 82 and 83, quoting Bas., In Isa. i., Hom. in illud Lucæ Destruam horrea, § 7, and Hom. in Divites.
[69] Epp. iii., xxxvi. cf. Dr. Travers Smith, Basil, p. 33.
[70] Ep. xxxvii.
[71] Inst. vii. 19. cf. note on Cassian, vol. xi. p. 254 of this series.
[72] Ep. xiv. ad fin.
[73] Ep. xiv.
[74] Greg. Naz., Ep. i. or xliii. § 25.
[75] On the latter difference between the friends at the time of Basil's consecration, De Broglie remarks: "Ainsi se trahissait à chaque pas cette profords diversité de caractère qui devait parfois troubler, mais plus sonnent ranimer et resserrer l'union de ces deux belles âmes: Basile, né pour le gouvernement des hommes et pour la lutte, prompt et précis dans ses resolutions, embrassant à coup d'oeil le but à poursuivre et y marchant droit sans s'inquiéter des difficultés et du jugement des spectateurs; Grégoire, atteint de cette délicatesse un peu maladive, qui est, chez les esprits d'élite, la source de l'inspiration poétique, sensible à la moindre renonce d'approbation ou de blâme, surtout à la moindre blessure de l'amitié, plus finement averti des obstacles, mais aussi plus aisément découragé, mèlant a la poursuite des plus grands intérets un soin peut être excessif de sa dignité et toutes les inquiétudes d'un coeur souffrant." L'Eglise et l'Empire Romain au IVme Siècle, v. p. 89.
[76] Greg. Naz., Ep. ii.
[77] Ep. xli.
[78] 1 Cor. ix. 27.
[79] Greg. Nyss., In Bas. 314 c.
[80] Cassian, Inst. vi. 19.
[81] Ep. ccxxiii. § 3.
[82] cf. Tillemont ix. passim, Walch iii. 552, Schröckh xiii. 25, quoted by Robertson, i. 366.
[83] koinobion.
[84] Maran, Vit. Bas. vi.
[85] cf. Bas., Reg. Fus. Resp. vii., quoted by Robertson, i. 366. His rule has been compared to that of St. Benedict. D.C.B. i. 284. On the life in the Retreat, cf. Epp. ii. and ccvii.
[86] Soz. vi. 17.
[87] cf. Soc., Ecc. Hist. iv. 26. Of this work Gregory says, in sending it to a friend: hina de ti kai hupomnema par' hemon eches, to d' auto kai tou hagiou Basileiou puktion apestalkamen soi tes Origenous philokalias, eklogas echon ton chresimon tois philologois. Ep. lxxxvii.
IV.--Basil and the Councils, to the Accession of Valens.
Up to this time St. Basil is not seen to have publicly taken an active part in the personal theological discussions of the age; but the ecclesiastical world was eagerly disputing while he was working in Pontus. Aetius, the uncompromising Arian, was openly favoured by Eudoxius of Germanicia, who had appropriated the see of Antioch in 357. This provoked the Semiarians to hold their council at Ancyra in 358, when the Sirmian "Blasphemy" of 357 was condemned. The Acacians were alarmed, and manoeuvred for the division of the general council which Constantius was desirous of summoning. Then came Ariminum, Nike, and Seleucia, in 359, and "the world groaned to find itself Arian." Deputations from each of the great parties were sent to a council held under the personal presidency of Constantius at Constantinople, and to one of these the young deacon was attached. The date of the ordination to this grade is unknown. On the authority of Gregory of Nyssa [88] and Philostorgius, [89] it appears that Basil accompanied his namesake of Ancyra and Eustathius of Sebaste to the court, and supported Basil the bishop. Philostorgius would indeed represent the younger Basil as championing the Semiarian cause, though with some cowardice. [90] It may be concluded, with Maran, that he probably stood forward stoutly for the truth, not only at the capital itself, but also in the neighbouring cities of Chalcedon and Heraclea. [91] But his official position was a humble one, and his part in the discussions and amid the intrigues of the council was only too likely to be misrepresented by those with whom he did not agree, and even misunderstood by his own friends. In 360 Dianius signed the creed of Ariminum, brought to Cæsarea by George of Laodicea; and thereby Basil was so much distressed as henceforward to shun communion with his bishop. [92] He left Cæsarea and betook himself to Nazianzus to seek consolation in the society of his friend. But his feelings towards Dianius were always affectionate, and he indignantly repudiated a calumnious assertion that he had gone so far as to anathematize him. Two years later Dianius fell sick unto death and sent for Basil, protesting that at heart he had always been true to the Catholic creed. Basil acceded to the appeal, and in 362 once again communicated with his bishop and old friend. [93] In the interval between the visit to Constantinople and this death-bed reconciliation, that form of error arose which was long known by the name of Macedonianism, and which St. Basil was in later years to combat with such signal success in the treatise Of the Spirit. It combined disloyalty to the Spirit and to the Son. But countervailing events were the acceptance of the Homoousion by the Council of Paris, [94] and the publication of Athanasius' letters to Serapion on the divinity of the two Persons assailed. To this period is referred the compilation by Basil of the Moralia. [95]
The brief reign of Julian would affect Basil, in common with the whole Church, in two ways: in the relief he would feel at the comparative toleration shewn to Catholics, and the consequent return of orthodox bishops to their sees; [96] in the distress with which he would witness his old friend's attempts to ridicule and undermine the Faith. Sorrow more personal and immediate must have been caused by the harsh treatment of Cæsarea [97] and the cruel imposts laid on Cappadocia. What conduct on the part of the Cæsareans may have led Gregory of Nazianzus [98] to speak of Julian as justly offended, we can only conjecture. It may have been the somewhat disorderly proceedings in connexion with the appointment of Eusebius to succeed Dianius. But there can be no doubt about the sufferings of Cæsarea nor of the martyrdom of Eupsychius and Damas for their part in the destruction of the Temple of Fortune. [99]
The precise part taken by Basil in the election of Eusebius can only be conjectured. Eusebius, like Ambrose of Milan, a layman of rank and influence, was elevated per saltum to the episcopate. Efforts were made by Julian and by some Christian objectors to get the appointment annulled by means of Gregory, Bishop of Nazianzus, on the ground of its having been brought about by violence. Bishop Gregory refused to take any retrogressive steps, and thought the scandal of accepting the tumultuary appointment would be less than that of cancelling the consecration. Gregory the younger presumably supported his father, and he associates Basil with him as probable sufferers from the imperial vengeance. [100] But he was at Nazianzus at the time of the election, and Basil is more likely to have been an active agent. [101]
To this period may be referred Basil's receipt of the letter from Athanasius, mentioned in Letter CCIV., § 6. [102] On the accession of Jovian, in June, 363, Athanasius wrote to him asserting the Nicene Faith, but he was greeted also by a Semiarian manifesto from Antioch, [103] of which the first signatory was Meletius.
Valentinian and Valens, on their accession in the following year, thus found the Church still divided on its cardinal doctrines, and the lists were marked in which Basil was henceforward to be a more conspicuous combatant.
[88] i. Eunom.
[89] iv. 12.
[90] ois Basileios heteros paren sunaspizon diakonon eti taxin echon, dunamei men tou legein pollon propheron, to de tes gnomes atharsei pros tous koinous hupostellomenous agonas. This is unlike Basil. "This may be the Arian way of saying that St. Basil withdrew from the Seleucian deputies when they yielded to the Acacians." Rev. C.F.H. Johnston, De. S. Scto. Int. xxxvi.
[91] Ep. ccxxiii. § 5.
[92] Ep. li.
[93] Epp. viii. and li.
[94] 360. Mansi, iii. 357-9.
[95] ethika. "Capita moralia christiana, ex meris Novi Testamenti dictis contexta et regulis lxxx. comprehensa." Fab. Closely connected with these are the Regulæ fusius tractatæ (horoi kata platos) lv., and the Regulæ brevius tractatæ (horoi kat' epitomen) cccxiii. (Migne, xxxi. pp. 890-1306) on which see later.