128. THE BERENGAR CONTROVERSY. 5G1
NOTES. HILDEBRAND AND BEIIENGAR.
Sudehdorf's Berengarius Turonensis (1850) is, next to the discovery and publication of Berengar's De ISacra Cccna (1834), the most important contribution to the literature on this chapter.1 Dr. Sudendorf does not enter into the eucharistic controversy, and refers to the account of Stiiudlin and Neander as sufficient; but he gives 1) a complete chronological list of the Berengar literature, including all the notices by friends and foes (p. 7-68) ; 2) an account of Gaufried Martell, Count of Anjou, step father of the then-ruling Empress Agnes of Germany, and the most zealous and powerful protector of Berengar (p. 69-87) ; and 3) twentytwo letters bearing on Berengar, with notes (p. 88-233). These letters were here published for the first time from manuscripts of the royal library at Hanover, contained in a folio volume entitled: " Codex epistolaris Imperatorum, Regum, Pontificum, Epiacoporum." They throw no new light on the eucharistic doctrine of Berengar ; but three of them give us interesting information on his relation to Hildebrand.
1. A letter of Count Gaufried of Anjou (d. 10GO) to Cardinal Hilde brand, written in March, 1059, shortly before the Lateran Synod (April, 1059), which condemned Berengar (p. 128 and 215). The Count calls here, with surprising boldness and confidence, on the mighty Cardinal to protect Berengar at the approaching Synod of Rome, under the im pression that he thoroughly agreed with him, and had concealed his real opinion at Tours. He begins thus: "To the venerable son of the church of the Romans, H. [ildebrand]. Count Gauf. Bear thyself not unworthy of so great a mother. B. [erengarj has gone to Rome accord ing to thy wishes and letters of invitation. Now is the time for thee to act with Christian magnanimity (nunc magnanimitate Christiana tibi agendum esf), lest Berengar have the same experience with thee as at Tours [1054], when thou earnest to us as delegate of apostolic authority. He expected thy advent as that of an angel. Thou wast there to give life to souls that were dead, and to kill souls that should live. . . . Thou didst behave thyself like that person of whom it is written [John 19: 38] : ' He was himself a disciple of Jesus, but secretly from fear of the Jews.' Thou resemblest him who said [Lnke 23: 22] : 'I find no cause of death in him,' but did not set him free because he feared Caesar. Thou hast even done less than Pilate, who called Jesus to him and was not ashamed to bear witness: I find no guilt in him. ... To thee applies the sentence of the gospel [Luke 9: 26] : 'Whosoever shall be ashamed of me and of my words, of him shall I be ashamed before my heavenly Father.' To
1 I obtained a copy by the kindness of Professor Thayer from the library of Harvard College, after hunting for one in vain in the libraries of New York, and the Niedner library in Andover (which has B.'s D. S, Coena, but not SudendorPs B. T.}.
562 FOURTH PERIOD. A. D. 590-1049.
thee applies the word of the Lord [Luke 11 : 52] : ' Woe unto you, for ye took away the key of knowledge; ye entered not in yourselves, aud hin dered those that were entering.' . . . Now the opportune time has come. Thou hast Berengar present with the pope. If thou again keepest silence on the error of those fools, it is clear that thou formerly didst not from good reasons wait for the proper time, but from weakness and fear didst not dare to defend the cause of the innocent. Should it come to this, which God forbid, we would be wholly disappointed in our great hope placed on thee; but thou wouldst commit a monstrous injustice to thy self, yea even to God. By thee the Orient with all its perverseness would be introduced into the Occident; instead of illuminating our darkness, thou wouldest turn our light into darkness according to the best of thy ability. All those who excel in erudition and judge the case according to the Scriptures, bore testimony that Berengar has the right view ac cording to the Scriptures. . . . That popular delusion [of transubstantiation] leads to pernicious heresy. The resurrection of the body, of which Paul says that the corruptible must put on the incorruptible, cannot stand, if we contend that the body of Christ is in a sensuo'us manner broken by the priest and torn with the teeth (sensualiter sacerdotum manibus frangi, dentibus atteri). Thou boastest of thy Rome that she was never conquered in faith and military glory. Thou wilt put to shame that glory, if, at this time when God has elevated thee above all others at the papal see, that false doctrine, that nursery of the most certain heresy, by, thy dissimulation and silence should raise its head. Leave not thine honor to others, by retiring to the corner of disgraceful silence."
2. A letter of Berengar to Pope Gregory VII. from the year 1077, in which he addresses him as " pater optime" and assures him of his pro found reverence and love (p. 182 and 230). He thanks him for a letter of protection he had written to his legate, Bishop Hugo of Die (after wards Archbishop of Lyons), but begs him to excuse him for not attend ing a French council of his enemies, to which he had been summoned. He expresses the hope of a personal conference with the pope (opportunitatem vivendi prsesentiam tuam et audiendi), and concludes with the request to continue his patronage. " Vel [i. e. Valeat] Christianitas tua, pater optime, longo parvitati meae temper e dignum sede apostolica patrocinium impensura" The result of this correspondence is unknown. Berengar's hope of seeing and hearing the pope was fulfilled in 1078, when he was summoned to the Council in Rome; but the result, as we have seen, was his condemnation by the Council with the pope's consent.
3. A letter of Berengar to Archbishop Joscelin of Bordeaux, written in a charitable Christian spirit after May 25, 1085, when Gregory VII. died (p. 196 and 231). It begins thus: "The unexpected death of our G. [regory] causes me no little disturbance (G. nostri me non parum mors inopinato [a] perturbat)" The nostri sounds rather too "<uniliar in