THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG
CELTIC CHURCH IN BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
I. Origin and Early History, to c. 500.
1. In Britain. Heresies (§ 1).
2. In Ireland.
Native Tradition of Origin (§1). The Tradition Unreliable (§ 2). Prosper's Palladium the Same as
Patrick (§3). True Origin of the Irish Church
(§4). St. Patrick (§ 5).
3. In North Britain (Alba).
II. Development and Full Maturity, 500-800. 1. In Britain.
The Church in Wales (§ 1).
The British Church and Augustine (§ 2). 2. In Ireland and North Britain.
The Irish Church not Revived from Wales in the Sixth Century (§1).
Learning of the Irish Monks (§ 2).
Travels and Missionary Labors (§3).
North Britain Christianized (§ 4).
Relations with Rome (§ 5).
The Patrick Legend (§ 6).
Conforms to Roman Usage (§ 7). III. Complete Assimilation to the Roman Church, 800-1200.
1. In Wales.
2. In Ireland.
Incursions of the Norsemen (5 1). Irish Monks on the Continent
(§2). Rise of Armagh (§ 3). The Culdees (§ 4). Final Subjection to Rome (§ 5). 3. In North Britain. IV. Some General Considerations.
Reason for the Divergences from
Rome (§ 1). Consecration by a Single Bishop
(§2). Monastic Character of the Irish
Church (§ 3). The Celtic and Roman Spirit (§ 4). Relics (§ 5).
By the Celtic Church in Britain and Ireland is meant the Christian Church which existed in parts of Great Britain and Ireland before the mission of Augustine (597), and which for some time thereafter maintained its independence by the side of the new Anglo-Roman Church. It comprises two branches, one in Roman Britain and a continuation of it in Wales, the other in Ireland and Alba (Scotland).
L Origin and Early History, toe. 500. — 1. In Britain: There is no trustworthy account of the introduction of Christianity into Britain. That the British Church of the first half of the sixth century had no knowledge or tradition of the time or manner may be inferred from the silence of Gildas. The Lucius story may be dismissed at once as fabulous (see Eleutherus; Chub, Bishopric of). Foreign writers give no more reliable information khan the native sources. The arguments of Warren (pp. 46-62) for the introduction of Christianity into Britain from Greek churches in Lyons and Vienne as a consequence of the persecutions under Marcus Aurelius are not convincing [cf. F. Haverfield, Early British Christianity, in The English Historical Review, xi. (1S96) 418, n. 2]. It is more probable that the Gospel came to the island by ordinary intercourse with other countries, and Gaul and the Lower Rhine lands are those of which it is most natural to think. Had there been organized or individual missionary effort, tradition would have preserved names. That Christianity was widely spread in Britain by the beginning of the third century can hardly be inferred from the notices in Tertullian and Origen (Haddan and Stubbs, i. 3-4), which are too rhetorical to be safe testimonies. It does seem certain, however, that much progress was made during the third century. This rests, not upon the sixth-century tradition of martyrs in Britain during the Diocletian persecution, which probably did not have any noteworthy extension into Britain (cf. Haddan and Stubbs. i. 5-6), but upon the fact that three bishops, a presbyter, and a deacon from York, Lincoln [according to others Colchester or Carleonon-Usk], and London took part in the Synod of Aries in 316 (Haddan and Stubbs, i. 7). The towns from which they came as well as the localities assigned for the martyrdoms mentioned by Gildas (St. Albans, Carleon-on-Usk) show distinctly that Christianity first took firm foothold in the cities and stations of the Roman highways.
The records are sufficient to show that throughout the fourth century there was a well-organized Church in Britain which stood in constant touch with the rest of the Church, particularly in Gaul, and considered itself an active member of that body (Haddan and Stubbs, i. 7-12). British bishops attended the synod summoned at Ariminum (Rimini) by Constantius in 359 [Haddan and Stubbs, i. 9-10], and their presence shows that their Church was drawn into general doctrinal disputes. Gildas maintains that it was much injured by Arianism (p. 32, 11. 20-25). His testimony is controverted by that of Hilary of Poitiers (c. 358)
I. Heresies, and Athanasius (363; both in Had-
dan and Stubbs, i. 7, 9). But it must be admitted that Arian views found acceptance in Britain during the second half of the fourth century, and as the Roman power was waning there from that time on, it is conceivable that such views may have lingered and found expression as late as 600, possibly in the baptismal formula (cf. F. C. Conybeare, The Character of the Heresy of the Early British Church, in the Transactions of the Society of Cymmrodorion, 1897-98, pp. 84-117). It is noteworthy that a life of Gildas written in the eleventh century, but based upon materials taken from the sixth century, and a life of Patrick of the second half of the seventh century lay stress on their devotion to the Holy Trinity (Chronica minora, hi. 95, 11. 8-9; Tripartite Life, ii. 273,
II. 12-13; 286, 11. 6-7); and Gregory the Great is said to have suspected Columba of not being quite sound in the doctrine (Bernard and Atkinson, i. 64, ii. 25). It is certain that Pelagianism appeared in Britain during the fifth century (see Agricola). Germanus (q.v.), bishop of Auxerre, was sent thither in 429, and " overthrew the heretics and directed the Britons to the Catholic faith" (Prosper of Aquitaine, Chronicle, anno 429). Some years later, on a second mission, he completed the extirpation of Pelagianism in the. island (Vita Cermani, used by Bede, i. 17, 21). Gildas, writing a century later, does not mention the heresy. For a hundred years after the mission of Germanus nothing is heard of the Church in Britain. The land was abandoned by the Romans, and the Anglo- Saxon conquest caused Christianity to disappear completely from the East. With those Britons who kept their independence it found a refuge in the mountains of the West, whence it gradually