THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG
earlier period of the kingdom of Israel, after the subjugation of Edom. For Bernstein, the patriarch Jacob and his history were invented after the separation of the kingdom in order to glorify Bethel; and Seinecke even sees in the despondency of the returning Jacob a reflex of the fear of the exiles on their return from Babylon, and in the treatment of the Shechemites by Simeon and Levi (xxxiv.) the reproof of the Samaritans by Ezra. Apart from such fancies, it would never be possible to transform the natural and characteristic figures of an Abraham or a Jacob into national experiences or the disappointments of a tribe. Mere invention being out of the question, the alternative is to assume that the stories deal with real persons. Names such as Jacob-el and Isra-el, which include the name of a divinity, should be regarded, like the name of Abraham, as originally individual rather than ethnic. In this way Kittel, Klostermann, and Ewald have looked upon the bearers of these names as chiefs who stood at the head of nomadic tribes. In the traditions of that far-away time only a few prominent personalities stand out, while the tribe which accompanied them in their wanderings appears only in details of the narrative. The historical standard used in reference to later periods may not be applied to primitive traditions; but, just as little should their essentially historical character be denied as being, in the main, faithful pictures of the time of the first residence of the fathers in the land of promise. C. von Oeelli.
Bibliography: J. A. Eisenmenger, Entdecktes Judenthum, i. 942-943, Konigsberg, 1711; C. von Lengerke, Kenaan, pp. 290 sqq., ib. 1844; L. Diestel, Der Segen Jakobs, Brunswick, 1853; H. Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, i. 412 sqq., 489 sqq., Hanover, 1864, Eng. transl., i. 341- 362, London, 1883; K. Kohler, Der Segen Jakobs, Berlin, 1867; A, N. Obbard, The Prophecy of Jacob, Cambridge, 1867; A. Bernstein, Ursprung der Sagen von . Jakob, Berlin, 1871; J. Hamburger, Real-Encyklopadie des Judenthums, i. 543 sqq., Neustrelitz, 1874; A. Kohler, Biblische Geschichte Altes Testamentes, i. 136 sqq., Erlangen, 1875; L. Seinecke, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, i. 40 sqq., Gottingen, 1876; J. Popper, Ursprung des Monotheismus, pp. 346 sqq., Berlin, 1879; C. von Orelli, 0. T. Prophecy, Edinburgh, 1885; R. Kittel, Geschichte der Hebraer, i. 122 sqq., Gotha, 1892, Eng. transl., London, 1895; W Staerk, Studien zur Religions- und Sprachgeschichte des A. T., i. 77-83, ii. 1-13, Berlin, 1899; C. A. Briggs, Messianic Prophecy, New York, 1902; DB, ii. 526-535; EB, ii. 2306-12; JE, vii. 19-24, and in general the works on the history of Israel as given under Ahab.
JACOB (JACOBUS) BARAD^US or ZANZALUS.
See Jacobites.
JACOB CHRISTOPH AND THE COUNTER-REF- ORMATION IN SWITZERLAND: The Counter- Reformation found centers in Switzer- Relations land at Lucerne (see Cysat, Ren- Between ward), and, somewhat later in the City and bishopric of Basel. The more difficult Bishop, task presented itself in Basel, since here the issue was not merely to restore Romanism in a district already half conquered by the Calvinists; there was also a political conflict with the city of Basel, still striving after complete independence and extension of its boundaries. The rights of bishop and municipality often conflicted even before the Reformation; within the episcopal domain, in the modern Bernese Jura, the city
possessed sovereign rights at a good many places; the bishop, on the other hand, was not only the spiritual lord of the city, but was endowed with comprehensive rights of sovereignty, being empowered to nominate mayor and council, and the city was pledged to pay him various taxes and the temporal domain of the diocese extended up to the city gates. Before the ecclesiastical agitation, the city of Basel was striving to enlarge its possessions at the expense of the bishopric and of the episcopal rights. In 1521 the municipality, without opposition, relegated all rights of the bishop to the nomination of mayor and council. The introduction of the Reformation dissolved, in 1529, the last bond between bishop and city, and the chapter moved over to Freiburg im Breisgau. In a treaty with the city, in 1530, Bishop Philip of Gundelsheim (1527-53) permitted the exercise of the new doctrine in certain districts of the diocese. The total dissolution of the bishopric appeared now to be merely a question of time. The city pursued its goal quietly but persistently; more and more parishes were united with it in various ways, but without assuring the status of the Reformation within the diocese; the bishopric was imperial soil, and the religious peace of 1555 expressly excluded the adherents of Zwingli.
From 1560 a more vigorous church life was astir in Switzerland on the Roman Catholic side; following Borromeo's visit to St. Gall, Ein- Jacob siedeln, and Luzerne in 157L the Christoph Counter-Reformation distinctly begins Introduces to be perceptible in the original cantons, the Coun- and even the neglected diocese of Basel ter-Refor- was reached. On the death of Bishop mation. Melchior, in 1575, the time of compliance came to a close. At the ensuing election, the youngest of the canons, Jacob Christoph Blarer of Wartensee (b. 1542), with urgent admonitions, elicited from his colleagues the promise to labor to restore the right belief, and then became the electors' choice (June 22, 1575). It was no easy task that he set for himself; the bishopric was involved in debt and ecclesiastically in confusion, and the city unquestionably had the ascendancy. At first Jacob Christoph acted in a friendly manner toward the city, but he inquired into the patronal privileges of the diocese and their legal bases. Relations to the instigator and promoter of the Swiss Counter-Reformation became visible; it was Carlo Borromeo of whom Jacob Christoph requested synodical by-laws, and the decrees of the Council of Trent were proclaimed in the diocese. The decisive step which he ventured was the conclusion of a league with the Roman Catholic cantons of the confederacy, Sept., 1579. This league was a significant fact; the Roman Catholic districts of western Switzerland, Fribourg, and Soleure, until then isolated between Protestant districts, gained a territorial connection with these new allies; the passage to France, a matter of great importance for the Roman Catholic Swiss mercenaries, was thereby secured; and against the city of Basel and its demand for the conversion of the diocese to the Protestant cause stood henceforth the combined Roman Catholic federation. Indeed, the treaty of alliance