form of shélamim-offerings’ (Ex 245 et al.), The meaning of the
we have instructive instances in 15 14 and 9%, According to the latter passage, the guests at the meal number about 30 persons, specially invited ; and, before they begin to eat, a blessing is pro- nounced (something after the manner of our saying of grace) by Samuel (v.1%). According to 1S 2%: the offerer himself killed the victim and boiled its flesh; but even the portion for the priests could not be taken till the portion of Jahweh, namely the fat, had been burned [on the altar]. There is no mention in this passage of a sprinkling of blood on the altar, but this is no doubt taken for granted; at all events, the eating of the flesh with the blood is regarded in 1S 14% as a heinous offence.
Like the fat and blood of the meal-offering, the burnt - offering or whole- offering also falls com- pletely under the category of a cheering gift, the presenting of food. This comes out very clearly in the offering which Gideon presents to the angel of Jahweh (Jg 68%), He calls it by the ancient name applied to every species of offering — np}, ‘oift’ (cf. Gn 42%). It consists of a kid of the goats and unleavened cakes of an ephah [about 8 gals. ] of meal. The [boiled] flesh is put by Gideon in a basket, and the broth in a pot. Then, at the angel’s bidding, he lays the flesh and the cakes upon a stone [which, as in 1 S 14%, takes the place of the altar] and pours the broth over them. The meal is now ready, and is consumed by the fire that comes out of the rock. In like manner, Manoah (Je 131°) offers to the angel of Jahweh a kid of the goats, with the proper accompani- ments, upon the rock [in v.” it is called ‘altar’], as a burnt-offering (v.%). Both offerings—that of Gideon and that of Manoah—would have been inconceivable to the ritual of P, and for that very reason they may be supposed to represent the sacrificial usages of the narrator’s own time. It may be added that for the whole of this period burnt-offerings were the exception, although upon quite special occasions they might be presented in great numbers. Thus Solomon, at his accession, offered (1 K 34)upon the ‘great high place’ at Gibeon 1000 burnt-offerings ; and, at the dedication of the temple (8), found it necessary to consecrate the middle portion of the forecourt [as a place of sacrifice], because the altar was unable to contain all the burnt-offerings and the fat of the meal- offerings.
During this period there is no mention of other species of offerings * (apart from the fruit-offerings, which were presented at all periods [Ex 231), amongst which must be included the regularly renewed ‘shewbread’ of the sanctuary [1 5 21> 7)) As is shown by Gn 8”, the burnt-offering serves also as a iienkeororine: just as in 18 7° (in the form of a sucking lamb) it is an offering with a propitiatory and intercessory aim. The same character belongs to the burnt-offerings presented by Saul (1 S 13% along with peace-offerings) as inaugural offerings before commencing his cam-
aign against the Philistines, and David’s offering at the threshing-floor of Araunah (2S 24”), On the other hand, more general names are used to designate propitiatory offerings (18 3'4 slaughter- offering and minhah, 26% minhah). Regarding human sacrifices during this period, see above, p. 618” f.; on the significance still retained throughout the whole period by the sacred Ark, see p. 628 ff ; and on the institution of the ‘ ban,’ see p. 619”. latter term [sing. siélem, Am 522 only] is still disputed. The choice lies between ‘peace [=safety]-offering,’ i.e. in testimony of the peaceful relation with the Deity, and ‘recompense- or thank-offering.’
*In 1S 63 ovy is not a guilt-offering in P’s sense, and in 2 K 1217 (16) it is not guilt- and sin-offerings in the proper sense that are spoken of, but money contributions which bear the names OY and nxoy.
662
RELIGION OF ISRAEL
3. There are extremely few notices of festivals— a proof that even in this sphere custom rather than legal prescription was the ruling principle. (a) It cannot, indeed, be doubted that even the oldest form of the Decalogue contained a command to rest on the Sabbath (cf. also Ex 34”, in the so- called Jahwistic Decalogue), but it is noteworthy that in the Book of the Covenant (Ex 23", ef. also Dt 51) it is enforced, not with religious but with humanitarian motives, such as care for the refresh- ing of cattle and ass, slave and gér. In the same source (23!) we find already an approach to the keeping of a Sabbatical year: every seven years the fields, the vineyards, and oliveyards are to lie fallow—evidently, however, not all at the same time, but each in its turn—that the [spontaneous] produce may be for the benefit of the poor and the beasts of the field. It will be observed that here again the motive is humanitarian, not re- ligious. .
(6) Along with the Sabbath a special festal significance belongs to the New Moon (and that far beyond our period), From 18 205 24M we see that the New Moon festivities even lasted for two days, being made the occasion of a common [sacri- ficial] meal, and at the same time that it was a favourite practice to present the year’s offerings of whole families at the New Moon. In 2 K 4”, again, it is assumed that the Sabbaths and New Moons (when riding-animals were available) were readily utilized for undertaking journeys to con- sult a ‘man of God.’ Further, Am 8° shows that on Sabbaths and at New Moons there was a cessa- tion, not only from field work but also from trade and the ordinary business of life.