One indirect piece of evidence may be added. Myra is an analogous name. Now the local form of accus. was Mvpav, for the Turkish Dembre comes from ttjv Mfipa(v), i.e. (et?) ttjv Mvpav. [It is most probable that in XXVII 5 Mvpav (or Mvppav) should be read, not Mvpa.] I know no evidence as to the local form of the dative ; but the genitive appears as Mvpav in the signatures of bishops.
Incidentally we notice that the name of the city is spelt Lustra, not Lystra (like Prymnessos), on coins and inscrip- tions. That is an indication of Latin tone, and of the desire to make the city name a Latin word. People who called their city Lustra would have distinguished them- selves pointedly from the Lycaonians, the subjects of King Antiochus and mentioned in that way on his coins.
i. THE .IMPERIAL AND THE CHRISTIAN POLICY When Paul passed out of Pamphylia into Galatia, he went out of a small province, which was cut off from the main line of historical and political development, into a great province that lay on that line. The history of Asia Minor at that time had its central motive in the transforming and educative process which the Roman imperial policy was trying to carry out in the country. In Pamphylia that process was languidly carried out by a governor of humble rank; but Galatia was the frontier province, and the immense social and educational changes involved in the process of romanising an oriental land were going on actively in it We proceed to inquire in what relation the new Pauline influence stood to the questions that were agitating the province.
What, then, was the character of Roman policy and the line of educational advance in the districts of Galatic Phrygia and Galatic Lycaonia ; and what were the forces opposing the Roman policy?
The aim of Roman policy may be defined as the unification and education in Roman ideas of the pro- vince ; and its general effect may be summed up under four heads, which we shall discuss in detail, comparing in each case the effect produced or aimed at by the
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Church. We enumerate the heads, not in crdei of im- portance, but in the order that best brings out the re- lation between Imperial influence and Church influence: (1) relation to Greek civilisation and language : (2) develop- ment of an educated middle class : (3) growth of unity over the Empire: (4) social facts.
(1) The Roman influence would be better defined as " Grsco-Roman ". Previous to Roman domination, the Greek civilisation, though fostered in the country by the Greek kings of Syria and Pergamos, who had successively ruled the country, had failed to affect the people as a body ; it had been confined to the coast valleys of the Hermus, Cayster, Maeander and Lycus, and to the garrison cities founded on the great central plateau by the kings to strengthen their hold on the country. These cities were at the same time centres of Greek manners and education; their language was Greek ; and, in the midst of alien tribes, their interests naturally coincided with those of the kings who had founded them.
The Roman Government, far from being opposed to Greek influence, acted in steady alliance with it. It adopted the manners of Greece, and even recognised the Greek language for general use in the Eastern pro- vinces. Rome was so successful, because she almost always yielded to the logic of facts. The Greek influence was, on the whole, European and Western in character ; and opposed to the oriental stagnation which resisted Roman educative efforts. Rome accepted the Greek language as her ally. Little attempt was made to naturalise the Latin language in the East ; and even the Roman colonies in the province of Galatia soon ceased to use Latin except on state occasions and in a few