The fact that Sosthenes (whether the same or another) joined with Paul in writing to the Corinthians, I 1, caused an early misapprehension of the scene. It was understood that Gallio, after deciding against the Jews, allowed them to console themselves by beating a Christian ; and the word " Greeks " is omitted in the great MSS. under the influence of this mistake. But such action is inconceivable in the Roman governor ; and the text of the inferior MSS. which substitutes a lifelike and characteristic scene for one that is utterly foolish, must undoubtedly be preferred. Probably two persons at Corinth named Sosthenes were brought into relations with Paul, one a Jew, the other a prominent Christian ; or perhaps the Jew was converted at a later date.
This action of the Imperial government in protecting him from the Jews, and (if we are right) declaring
260 Athens and Corinth. Chap. XL
freedom in religious matters, seems to have been the crowning fact in determining Paul's line of conduct. According to our view, the residence at Corinth was an epoch in Paul's life. As regards his doctrine he became more clearly conscious of its character, as well as more precise and definite in his presentation of it ; and as regards practical work he became more clear as to his aim and the means of attaining the aim, namely, that Christianity should be spread through the civilised, i.e., the Roman, world (not as excluding, but as preparatory to, the entire world, Col. Ill n), using the freedom of speech which the Imperial policy as declared by Gallio seemed inclined to permit. The action of Gallio, as we understand it, seems to pave the way for Paul's appeal a few years later from the petty outlying court of the procurator of Judaea, who was always much under the influence of the ruling party in Jerusalem, to the supreme tribunal of the Empire (p. 306 f.).
The letters to the Thessalonians belong to the earlier part of his stay in Corinth, before he had definitely reached the new stage of thought and aim. To the new stage, when he had attained full consciousness and full dominion over his own plans, belong the four great letters, Gat., I and II Cor.} Rom.
Note i. 6 "Apeio? IId<yo<} was often used, in a conversa- tional way, in place of the cumbrous technical form, j? e| *Apelov Ildyov fiovkri. The decisive passages are pointed out to me by two friends and old pupils, Mr. A. Souter and Rev. A. F. Findlay. Cicero says to Atticus, I 14, 5, Senatus "Apews Ildyos, " our Senate is a veritable Areopa- gus", Cicero picked up the conversational usage during
Note i. 6 "Apetos Ilayos. 26 1
his six months' residence in Athens ; and hence he uses Areopagus to denote the Court, Nat. D. II 29, 74, Rep. I 27, 43. Again in an inscription of AJ). 50-100 (Cawadias, Fouilles a" Epidaure, I p. 68, No. 206) we find "Apetos IIwyo<; iv ^EXeva-lvi \070u5 iiroirjaaro. (Pape quotes other cases, which are not so clear, and are denied by some authorities.) Here, as everywhere, we find Luke using the language of educated conversation.
Note 2. Gallic One of the many difficulties in which Dr. Clemen's theory involves him is that he has to deny the identity of Luke's Gallio with Seneca's brother. Gallio's voyage from Achaia, undertaken on account of a local fever (Seneca, Ep. Mor. 104, 1), was not the same as his voyage from Rome to Egypt after his consulship on account of phthisis (Pliny, XXXI 33), though probably the first also was to Egypt.