CC. Of the circuit of Paul, in which also we have the account of the death of Eutychus and his restoration by prayer in Troas; also Paul's own pastoral exhortations [1382] to the presbyters at Ephesus; also Paul's voyage from Ephesus to Cæsareia in Palestine.
DD. The prophecy of Agabus as to what should befall Paul in Jerusalem.
EE. The address of James to Paul touching the matter that he should not offer to keep the Hebrews back from the practice of circumcision.
FF. Of the tumult that was excited against Paul in Jerusalem, and how the chief-captain rescues him from the mob. * Also Paul's speech [1383] concerning himself and his vocation to be an apostle; * and of what Ananias said to Paul in Damascus, and of the vision and the voice of God that befell him once in the temple. * And that when Paul was about to be beaten for these words, on declaring that he was a Roman, he was let go.
GG. What Paul endured, and what he said, and what he did exactly [1384] when he came down into the council.
HH. Of the ambush planned by the Jews against Paul, and its discovery to Lysias; * and that Paul was sent to Cæsareia to the governor with soldiers and with a letter.
II. Of the accusation laid by Tertullus in Paul's case, and of his defence of himself before the governor.
JJ. Of the removal of Felix and the arrival of Festus as his successor, and of Paul's pleading before them, [1385] and his dismissal.
KK. The coming of Agrippa and Bernice, and their inquiry into the case of Paul. [1386] * Paul's defence of himself before Agrippa and Bernice, respecting his nurture in the law, and his vocation to the Gospel. That Paul does no wrong to the Jews, Agrippa said to Festus.
LL. Paul's voyage to Rome, abounding in very many and very great perils. * Paul's exhortation to those with him as to his hope of deliverance. The shipwreck of Paul, and how they effected their safety on the island of Melita, and what marvellous things he did on it.
MM. How Paul reached Rome from Melita.
NN. Of Paul's discourse with the Jews in Rome.
There are in all forty chapters; and the sections following these, and marked with the asterisk, [1387] are forty-eight.
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[1352] This ekthesiswas edited under the name of Euthalius, Bishop of Sulce, towards the end of the preceding century, by Laurentius Zacagnius, in the collection of Monumenta Vetera, p. 428, published at Rome. Fabricius also compared the edition of Montfaucon with the Roman. This collation is added here.--Migne.
[1353] The text is neoi chrono te kai mathematon, hekastou, &c.; for which Euthal., chronon te kai mathematon par' humon hekastou.
[1354] sumperiphoran komizomenoi.
[1355] But Euthal., dia men tou melanos...dia de tou kinnabareos, i.e., by the different colours of black and vermilion.
[1356] These marks are wholly wanting in the Coislin Codex, from which Montfaucon edited the piece. But they are found in the Vatican Codex.--Tr.
[1357] Euthal. adds, kai peri tes endoxou kai deuteras autou parousias, i.e., and of His glorious and second coming.
[1358] apoboles.
[1359] But Euthal. apostoles, apostleship.
[1360] epiphoiteseos.
[1361] katecheseos.
[1362] But Euthal., auton, their.
[1363] epistasia.
[1364] Euthal. inserts peri apeiles, and of the threatening of the chief priests.
[1365] epi to onomati; but Euthal., epi to onoma.
[1366] Reading aneseos with Euthal., instead of ananeoseos.
[1367] theophaneia.
[1368] edidoto; Euthal., didotai is given.
[1369] hoti ouk arguriou; Euthal., ou di' arguriou.
[1370] Euthal., dia Barnaban, on Barnabas's account.
[1371] Euthal. inserts palin, again.
[1372] The text is hon eipen ho angelos, &c. But Euthal., hon ho angelos epemarturese kai huphegesato, which the angel testified and showed.
[1373] diakritheisi pros auton.
[1374] The text gives oikoumenikes; Euthal., oikoumenes.
[1375] The text gives katasphages; Euthal., katastrophes.
[1376] Euthal., eirgasanto, they did.
[1377] euthales.
[1378] Reading phulakteon with Euthal., instead of phulakeon.
[1379] The text gives paneutios; Euthal., panestios. Montfaucon reads panoiki.
[1380] But Euthal., Krispou, Crispus.
[1381] proschorein; Euthal., encheirein.
[1382] Euthal., parainesis poimantike, pastoral exhortation.
[1383] katastasis.
[1384] euthubolos, perhaps here, as Montfaucon makes it, sagaciously.
[1385] Euthal., ep' autou, before him.
[1386] Euthal., kataPaulon, against Paul.
[1387] Euthal., dia kinnabareos, with the vermilion.
malchion fragments anf06 malchion-fragments Epistles and other writings of Malchion /ccel/schaff/anf06.vi.ix.html
Malchion
Malchion.
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Translator's Biographical Notice.
[a.d. 270.] Eusebius [1388] speaks of Malchion as a man accomplished in other branches of learning [1389] and well-versed in Greek letters in particular, and as holding the presidency of the Sophists' school at Antioch. Jerome [1390] says that he taught rhetoric most successfully in the same city. Nor was it only that he excelled in secular erudition; but for the earnest sincerity of his Christian faith he obtained the dignity of presbyter in the church of that place, as Eusebius also tells us. He took part in the Synod of Antioch, which Eusebius calls the final council, and which Gallandi and others call the second, in opposition to Pearson, who holds that there was but one council at Antioch. This synod met apparently about a.d. 269, and dealt with Paul of Samosata, who had introduced the heresy of Artemon into the church of Antioch; and Eusebius says that Malchion was the only one who, in the discussion which took place there with the arch-heretic, and which was taken down by stenographers who were present, was able to detect the subtle and crafty sentiments of the man. Paul's real opinions being thus unveiled, after he had baffled the acuteness of his ecclesiastical judges for some time, he was at length convicted; and the discussion was published, and a synodical epistle was sent on the subject to Dionysius, bishop of Rome, and to Maximus of Alexandria, and to all the provinces, which, according to Jerome (De vir. illustr., ch. 71), was written by Malchion, and of which we have extracts in Eusebius. [1391]
[1388] Hist. Eccles., vii. 29.
[1389] aner ta te alla logios.
[1390] De viris illustr., ch. 71.
[1391] In Eusebius, vii. 30. [Elucidation I., p. 172.]
I.--The Epistle Written by Malchion,
In Name of the Synod of Antioch, Against Paul of Samosata.
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To Dionysius and Maximus, and to all our fellows in the ministry throughout the world, both bishops and presbyters and deacons, and to the whole Catholic Church under heaven, Helenus and Hymenæus and Theophilus and Theotecnus and Maximus, Proclus, Nicomas, and Ælianus, and Paul and Bolanus and Protogenes and Hierax and Eutychius and Theodorus and Malchion and Lucius, and all the others who are with us, dwelling in the neighbouring cities and nations, both bishops and presbyters and deacons, together with the churches of God, send greeting to our brethren beloved in the Lord.
1. After some few introductory words, they proceed thus:--We wrote to many of the bishops, even those who live at a distance, and exhorted them to give their help in relieving us from this deadly doctrine; among these, we addressed, for instance, Dionysius, the bishop of Alexandria, and Firmilian of Cappadocia, those men of blessed name. Of these, the one wrote to Antioch without even deigning to honour the leader in this error by addressing him; nor did he write to him in his own name, but to the whole district, [1392] of which letter we have also subjoined a copy. And Firmilian, who came twice in person, condemned the innovations in doctrine, as we who were present know and bear witness, and as many others know as well as we. But when he (Paul) promised to give up these opinions, he believed him; and hoping that, without any reproach to the Word, the matter would be rightly settled, he postponed his decision; in which action, however, he was deceived by that denier of his God and Lord, and betrayer of the faith which he formerly held. And now Firmilian was minded to cross to Antioch; and he came as far as Tarsus, as having already made trial of the man's infidel [1393] iniquity. But when we had just assembled, and were calling for him and waiting for his arrival, his end came upon him.
2. After other matters again, they tell us in the following terms of what manner of life he was:--But there is no need of judging his actions when he was outside (the Church), when he revolted from the faith and turned aside to spurious and illegitimate doctrines. Nor need we say any thing of such matters as this, that, whereas he was formerly poor and beggarly, having neither inherited a single possession from his fathers, nor acquired any property by art or by any trade, he has now come to have excessive wealth by his deeds of iniquity and sacrilege, and by those means by which he despoils and concusses the brethren, casting the injured unfairly in their suit, [1394] and promising to help them for a price, yet deceiving them all the while and to their loss, taking advantage of the readiness of those in difficulties to give in order to get deliverance from what troubled them, and thus supposing that gain is godliness. [1395] Neither need I say any thing about his pride and the haughtiness with which he assumed worldly dignities, and his wishing to be styled procurator [1396] rather than bishop, and his strutting through the market-places, and reading letters and reciting them [1397] as he walked in public, and his being escorted by multitudes of people going before him and following him; so that he brought ill-will and hatred on the faith by his haughty demeanour and by the arrogance of his heart. Nor shall I say any thing of the quackery which he practises in the ecclesiastical assemblies, in the way of courting popularity and making a great parade, and astounding by such arts the minds of the less sophisticated; nor of his setting up for himself a lofty tribunal and throne, so unlike a disciple of Christ; nor of his having a secretum [1398] and calling it by that name, after the manner of the rulers of this world; nor of his striking his thigh with his hand and beating the tribunal with his feet; nor of his censuring and insulting those who did not applaud him nor shake their handkerchiefs, [1399] as is done in the theatres, nor bawl out and leap about after the manner of his partisans, both male and female, who were such disorderly listeners to him, but chose to hear reverently and modestly as in the house of God; nor of his unseemly and violent attacks in the congregation upon the expounders of the Word who have already departed this life, and his magnifying of himself, not like a bishop, but like a sophist and juggler; nor of his putting a stop to the psalms sung in honour of our Lord Jesus Christ, as the recent compositions of recent men, and preparing women to sing psalms in honour of himself in the midst of the Church. in the great day of the Paschal festival, which choristers one might shudder to hear. And besides, he acted on those bishops and presbyters, who fawned upon him in the neighbouring districts and cities, to advance the like opinions in their discourses to their people.
3. For we may say, to anticipate a little what we intend to write below, that he does not wish to acknowledge that the Son of God came down from heaven. And this is a statement which shall not be made to depend on simple assertion; for it is proved abundantly by those memoranda which we sent you, and not least by that passage in which he says that Jesus Christ is from below. And they who sing his praise and eulogise him among the people, declare that their impious teacher has come down as an angel from heaven. And such utterances the haughty man does not check, but is present even when they are made. And then again there are these women--these adopted sisters, [1400] as the people of Antioch call them--who are kept by him and by the presbyters and deacons with him, whose incurable sins in this and other matters, though he is cognisant of them, and has convicted them, he connives at concealing, with the view of keeping the men subservient to himself, and preventing them, by fear for their own position, from daring to accuse him in the matter of his impious words and deeds. Besides this, he has made his followers rich, and for that he is loved and admired by those who set their hearts on these things. But why should we write of these things? For, beloved, we know that the bishop and all the clergy [1401] ought to be an example in all good works to the people. Nor are we ignorant of the fact that many have fallen away through introducing these women into their houses, while others have fallen under suspicion. So that, even although one should admit that he has been doing nothing disgraceful in this matter, yet he ought at least to have avoided the suspicion that springs out of such a course of conduct, lest perchance some might be offended, or find inducement to imitate him. For how, then, should any one censure another, or warn him to beware of yielding to greater familiarity with a woman, lest perchance he might slip, as it is written: [1402] if, although he has dismissed one, he has still retained two with him, and these in the bloom of their youth, and of fair countenance; and if when he goes away he takes them with him; and all this, too, while he indulges in luxury and surfeiting?