THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG
Aries to the monastery of Montmajour. It applies to two classes of penitents: those who, on account of grievous offenses, are excluded from public worship and obliged to wear external marks of their condition; and those who have confessed minor sins and received a penance. To the former class one-third, to the latter half, of their penance may thus be remitted. At the end of the century those who are under public and private penance are treated alike.
Indulgences, however, were still rarely granted. The number of demonstrable ones granted by bishops in the eleventh century, all belonging to southern France, is small; and those granted by the popes do not apparently go back further than the last decade of the century. The first wholly genuine document of this kind extant is one of Urban II., dated Oct. 12, 1091 ( Jaff 6, Regesta, 5452) , in which he remits to the benefactors of the monasterium Paviliacense in the diocese of Rouen " one quarter of the penance imposed upon them by their bishop or priest." The fact of its being granted by a French pope renders more probable the theory that indulgences were of French origin; and the next similar case, more than twenty years later, is also by a Frenchman, Calixtus II. During the remainder of the century the popes continue to grant them, though sparingly. Of this class there are less than ten in the extant papal archives before the middle of the century, and in its latter half hardly more than twenty. The remission of fractional parts of the time of penance fell into desuetude, except in those granted to the Knights of St. John and the Templars, and with it the last traces of individual treatment of the penitents. Instead, the remission covered a certain number of days, usually twenty or forty; Alexander III. extended it a few times to a year, or, for pilgrims to Rome from the far north, two or three years. Thus it is evident that at this period the popes had not learned to look on indulgences as a source of income. It was otherwise with the bishops, whom Abelard accuses about 1140 of being so inflamed with greed " that when they have a crowd of people assembled for the dedication of a church, the consecration of an altar, the benediction of a cemetery, or any other solemnity, they are prodigal with relaxations of penances, remitting to all alike either a third or a fourth of their penances " (Ethica, xxv.). With justice Innocent III., when, in the famous Lateran decree of 1215, he attempted to set bounds to the practise, asserts that " the Roman pontiff, who has the fulness of power, has in such matters been accustomed to observe such moderation " as he there imposes upon the bishops (Mansi, Concilia, xxii. 1050).
On the other hand, the popes had long before this made use of the institution with a freedom that no bishop could equal, in behalf of the 3. Crusa- liberation of the Holy Land from ding In- infidel domination. As early as 1095 diligences, the remission of all penance was promised to the crusaders. Even before this Alexander II. had offered a total remission of penance to those who bore arms against the Saracens in Spain (c. 1063); but Urban II. estab-
lished the regular crusading indulgence, which nearly all his successors for two centuries continued. Paschal II. placed resistance to the Saracens in Spain on the same footing, followed by Gelasius II., Calixtus II., Celestine III., and Innocent III. In 1147 Eugenius III. offered the same reward for a campaign against the Slavs, and Alexander III. in 1171-72 for the subjection of the Esthonians. It was but a short step to considering a campaign against heretics equally meritorious; in 1135 Innocent II., at the Council of Pisa, offered the remissio of Urban II. to those who served against Roger of Sicily and the antipope Anacletus II., and Innocent III., in 1199, designated the war against the imperial governor Markwald a crusade, while the same pope originated the crusade against the Cathari in 1207 and the following years. While the crusading indulgence of Urban II. was granted only to those who undertook in person the perils and fatigues of the journey to Palestine, it was later extended to all who supported the undertaking, until Innocent III., in 1198, declared that those who sent a number of soldiers proportioned to their wealth might share in the indulgence, while those who contributed of their goods might participate in it " in proportion to the amount of their aid, and especially to their devotion." The explanation of application of the phrase which became the usual one, peccatorum venia, remissio, indulgentia, to these indulgences is to be found in a reminiscence of that stage of the penitential discipline in which the remission of sins was pronounced only after the performance of the prescribed penance or satisfaction.
In the thirteenth century the institution takes on a new content, under the influence, not of the originators, but of the interpreters. 4. As Re- The theory is an outgrowth of the mission of great change in the penitential system Temporal which was completed about the begin- Penalties. ning of that century. Penance has developed into a sacrament, whose parts are designated as contrition, confession (made a positive law in 1215), and satisfaction. Meanwhile, through the gradual shortening of the period between confession and absolution, until the latter followed the former immediately, satisfaction had lost the meaning which it had in the primitive Church, and needed to be put on a new basis if it was not to drop out altogether. The theory was discovered by such men as Abelard and his followers, Robert Pullus and Richard of Saint Victor, that there was a difference between the forgiveness effected by baptism and that which followed upon absolution. The former, they said, frees man from all guilt and penalty; in the latter, the sinner is indeed released from his sin and its eternal punishment, but not (or not usually) from the temporal penalties, of which the fires of purgatory were the most considerable. The divine justice was held to require that the sinner must discharge this debt still remaining by a poena satisfactoria. Thus the traditional satisfactions, especially prayer, fasting, and almsgiving, acquired a new importance, as delivering the soul from the necessity of remaining in purgatory so much longer. It is easy to see what