As a consequence, higher speculations regard- ing the manner of the Divine government of the Universe could be introduced into the incantations themselves, without seriously affecting the much more primitive conceptions on which the incanta- tions rested. The ‘Maklu’ series furnishes ex- amples of compositions worthy of the term ‘hymns,’ which were introduced as preludes to the recital of a jumble of formulas, the power of which rested in the combination of words employed; and through-
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out the other series known to us similar composi- tions addressed to various deities are scattered. Nor did the belief, also deeply ingrained, that the study of heavenly phenomena offered an oppor- tunity of ascertaining the intention of the gods, check the religious development which ascribed ethical motives and considerations of right and wrong to the gods in their dealings with their subjects. It might be that, through the move- ments of the stars, or the birth of monstrosities among mankind or animals, or through a dream, the Divine anger against the country, the ruler, or the individual, was revealed, yet it was generally possible by prayer and by sacrifice to alter the Divine will, and to avert the threatened cata- strophe by securing the goodwill of the angry god, or even by fortifying oneself through the protection of one’s special Divine protector against some hostile power, just as one could invoke a god against the mischievous devices of a demon or a witch. Nay, even when the blow fell upon one, the hope of averting its full force still remained. Opprered by the fear of demons lurking every- where, by the dread of witches and sorcerers who prepared their attacks in secret, and hampered by the multitudinous occurrences that were so full of significance, the outlook for the individual would indeed have been hopeless but for the outlet afforded, through prayers and hymns, for a direct appeal to the Divine powers, irrespective of what the stars declared or what the demons purposed. The prayers and hymns thus reveal the brighter side of the religion of Babylonia and Assyria, as well as its more spiritual phase and its higher aspirations. They tell us of the hopes that filled the breasts of the worshippers, enabling them to overcome the gloom that must have resulted from reflecting on the dangers that beset them at every turn, and the evils that were constantly staring them in the face. Even though a great majority of this class of compositions that have been pre- served for us are royal prayers and hymns, placed in the mouth of royal personages or having refer- ence to public events, the spirit embodied in them reflects the popular conceptions formed of the gods, and in a large measure at least they embody aspira- tions and hopes shared by the people at large.
For the study of the prayers and hymns we have, besides the tablets in the library of Assurbanipal, the votive and historical inscriptions of the rulers of Babylonia and Assyria, in which prayers are frequently introduced. Such prayers, embodying requests for a long life, a prosperous rule, victory over enemies, and abundant offspring, are more frequently encountered in the inscriptions of the rulers of the south than in those of the north. The Assyrian rulers contented themselves with an in- vocation addressed to some god, or to the chief gods of the pantheon, at the beginning of their inscriptions, and with curses and threats hurled at those who should destroy or deface their monu- ments; but the historical inscriptions of Assyria furnish us also with some specimens of genuine prayers.
_ Taking up, first, the prayers introduced in the inscriptions of Babylonian rulers, one of the best examples, though not in the form of a direct address, is to be found in the inscription of Lugal- zaggisi (¢. 8500 B.C.). The king, after ascribing his success to the help of the gods, and more especially " Vs of Nippur, closes with a fervent appeal to
2. —
‘En-lil, king of the lords, my beloved father; may he grant me long life, and the land peace and tranquillity! May he cause the army to flourish, and guard the sanctuaries! May he
regard the land with favour, and grant mercy to its inhabitants ; and may I continue to rule as a powerful leader !’
_* Hilprecht, Old Babylonian Inscriptions, i. 2, No. 87, col. i. 13-36.
Another southern ruler, Gudea (c. 3000 B.C.), wishing to assure himself of the support of Bau in his undertakings, addresses her as follows :—
“O my queen, lofty daughter of Anu,*
Who furnishes oe counsel, and holds the first rank among the gods.
Thou who grantest life to the land.
Thou art the queen, the mother, who has founded Shirpurla.
The nation upon which thou lookest in merey prospers.
Long life is vouchsafed to the hero on whom thou dost look with favour.
I have no mother—thou art my mother.
I have no father—thou art my father.’
The finest specimens of royal prayers, however, are to be found in the inscriptions of rulers of the New Babylonian period—Nabopolassar, Nebuchad- regzar, and Nabonidus.t Singling out those of Nebuchadrezzar as those possessing greater interest than the others, the prayer addressed to Marduk by the king upon his ascending the throne} may serve as a third example of this branch of religious literature—