RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
Jay Jebus
the center of the Reformed, and her zeal for her new creed and its adherents was most pronounced. She educated her son in the Reformed faith, and Navarre was thoroughly Calvinized by Raymond Merlin in 1563-64. Many statues were forcibly torn from the churches, and the monasteries were transformed into schools, while their incomes were devoted to the establishment of educational institutions.
A sudden opponent arose, however, in the person of Pius IV., who, in a bull of Sept. 28, 1563, cited her to appear before the tribunal of the Inquisition or to forfeit her territories both for herself and her children. This peril was obviated by her suzerain, Charles IX., and the bull was annulled, but the peace which she now hoped to enjoy was broken by the wars of religion which broke out anew, and she was forced to flee from Navarre and to take refuge in La Rochelle. During the war she was untiring in her encouragement of her coreligionists, and her son Henry (then sixteen years of age) was the nominal head of the Huguenot party, with Coligny and Andelot as his advisers, a course by which Jeanne increased her own prestige. Meanwhile Navarre-Beam had been overrun by the royal troops under Terrides, Pau was captured, and only the little fortress of Navarrein still held out. Thither Jeanne sent Montgomery, who reconquered the country for its queen within two months. Jeanne thereupon forbade the exercise of the Roman Catholic religion, and expelled the priests and monks, but in Navarre, where her power was limited, she tolerated it. In the Peace of St. Germain (Aug. 8, 1570) her counsels and perseverance were important factors in obtaining favorable terms for the Protestants, and she remained at La Rochelle until Aug., 1571, declining to be present at the marriage of Charles IX. with Elizabeth of Austria (Nov. 26, 1570), but attending the third Reformed synod held at La Rochelle Apr. 2-10, 1571.
Though she had pleaded the length of the journey, she was, in reality, deeply distrustful of the court, and repeatedly declined invitations to visit it, despite the fact that she was planning a marriage of her son with Margaret, the daughter of Henry II. This match had been proposed by Henry himself as early as 1556, but had been forgotten until negotiations were renewed during the war in the autumn of 1569, and again in Jan., 1571, this time in earnest. In Nov. the reluctance of Jeanne was overcome, despite the difference in religion of Henry and Margaret, for she hoped that the princess would become a convert to Protestantism. In Jan., 1572, the queen of Navarre consented to visit the French court, and in the following month met Catharine. Negotiations for the marriage dragged, but in April it was decided that the ceremony should be performed at Paris. On Apr. 11 the marriage-contract was signed, but the pope would not give the requisite dispensation, although Charles IX. earnestly advocated the union which was so necessary for the peace of the land. Jeanne then hastened to Paris to make the final preparations for the marriage, and on June 3 received- communion at Vincennes with a number of her coreligionists, but died six days VI.— 8
later. It was this marriage which was followed by the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day.
(THEODOR ScHOTTf.) Bibliography: The best account, based on documentary evidence, of the life of Jeanne d'Albret is in the three works of A. de Ruble, Le Mariage de Jeanne d'Albret, Paris, 1877, Ant. de Bourbon et Jeanne d'Albret, 4 vols., ib. 1881-86, and Jeanne d'Albret et la guerre civile, ib, 1897; for her later life very important is Lettres d'Antoine de Bourbon et de Jeanne d'Albret, ib. 1877. Consult further: W. G. Soldan, Geschichte des Protestantismus in Frankreich, 2 vols., Gotha, 1855; G. von Polenz, Geschichte des franzbsischen Calvinismus, 5 vols., Leipsic, 1857-69; N. de Boodenave, Hist, de Beam et Navarre, Paris, 1873; J. Delaborde, Bleonore de Roye, ib. 1876; idem, Gaspard de Coligny, vol. i., ib. 1879; H. M. Baird, Hist, of the Rise of the Huguenots, 2 vols., New York, 1880; Cambridge Modern History, iii. 6, 11, 13, 17-18, New York, 1905.
JEBB, JOHN: Bishop of Limerick; b. at Drogheda (26 m. n. of Dublin), Ireland, Sept. 27, 1775; d. at East Hill, near Wandsworth (6 m. s.w. of London), Surrey, Dec. 9, 1833. He studied at the Londonderry grammar-school, and in 1791 entered Trinity College, Dublin (M.A., 1801; B.D. and D.D., 1821). He was ordained in 1799 and instituted to the curacy of Mogorbane, Tipperary county, in 1801. He became Archbishop Brodrick's examining chaplain in 1805 and archdeacon of Emly in 1820. For his services in maintaining order in his parish during the disturbances that followed the famine of 1822 he was rewarded with the bishopric of Limerick in Dec. of that year. In 1827 a stroke of paralysis incapacitated him for active work. Thereafter he resided at various places in England, devoting himself to literary pursuits. He had a strong tendency toward High-church ritual, and is regarded as a forerunner of the Oxford movement. His chief works are: Sermons (London, 1815); Sacred Literature (1820); Practical Theology (2 vols., 1830); and a Biographical Memoir of William Phelan (1832). His correspondence with Alexander Knox was edited by C. Forster (2 vols., 1834). Bibliography: C. Forster, Life and Letters of John Jebb,
London, 1851; Anne Mozley, Letters of J. H. Newman, i.
440, 470, ib. 1890; DNB, xxix. 259-261.
JEBUS, ji'bus, JEBUSITES, jeb'u-saits: Upon the basis of Judges xix. 10-11 and I Chron. xi. 4-5 Jebus was formerly supposed to have been the pre- Israelitic name of Jerusalem (cf. II Sam. v. 6). But Judges xix.-xxi. took its present form in postexilic times, and probably Jebus did not occur in the original text; consequently the testimony for Jebus as the name of a city is late, for in all early narratives only the name Jerusalem is found, as it is in the Amarna Tablets (see Amahna Tablets, III.). The passages cited, therefore, embody the erroneous conclusion that the earlier name of the city was Jebus. It is to be noted, however, that the Jebusites were not spoken of as limited in their dwelling-place to the city, but as inhabiting the immediate region thereabout (II Sam. v. 6) or the mountain region in particular (Num. xiii. 29; Josh. xi. 3). The better conclusion therefore is that the people derived its name from a district rather than a city. They are represented as holding an important point in the highland after Israel had carried on a victorious campaign against the Canaanites, and from the mountain fortress of Zion
Jeffers Jehoiakim